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Title: The British Campaign in France and Flanders—July to November, 1918

Author: Arthur Conan Doyle

Release date: April 9, 2021 [eBook #65047]
                Most recently updated: October 18, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Al Haines


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BRITISH CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE AND FLANDERS—JULY TO NOVEMBER, 1918 ***

[Illustration: THE BRITISH FRONT in FRANCE and FLANDERS]




  THE BRITISH CAMPAIGN

  IN FRANCE AND FLANDERS


  JULY TO NOVEMBER
  1918


  BY

  ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE

  AUTHOR OF
  'THE GREAT BOER WAR,' ETC.



  HODDER AND STOUGHTON
  LIMITED LONDON




  SIR ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE'S
  HISTORY OF THE WAR

  Uniform with this Volume.

  THE BRITISH CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE
  AND FLANDERS

  VOL. I--1914

  THE BREAKING OF THE PEACE.
  THE OPENING OF THE WAR.
  THE BATTLE OF MONS.
  THE BATTLE OF LE GATEAU.
  THE BATTLE OF THE MARNE.
  THE BATTLE OF THE AISNE.
  THE LA BASSÉE-ARMENTIÈRES OPERATIONS.
  THE FIRST BATTLE OF YPRES.
  A RETROSPECT AND GENERAL SUMMARY.
  THE WINTER LULL OF 1914.


  VOL II.--1915

  THE OPENING MONTHS OF 1915.
  NEUVE CHAPELLE AND HILL 60.
  THE SECOND BATTLE OF YPRES.
  THE BATTLE OF RICHEBOURG-FESTUBERT.
  THE TRENCHES OF HOOGE.
  THE BATTLE OF LOOS.


  VOL III.--1916

  JANUARY TO JULY 1916.
  THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME.
  THE BATTLE OF THE ANCRE.


  VOL IV--1917

  THE BATTLE OF ARRAS.
  THE BATTLE OF MESSINES.
  THE THIRD BATTLE OF YPRES.
  THE BATTLE OF CAMBRAI.


  VOL. V--1918

  THE SECOND BATTLE OF THE SOMME.
  THE SOMME FRONT FROM APRIL 1 ONWARDS.
  THE BATTLE OF THE LYS.
  THE BATTLES OF THE CHEMIN DES DAMES AND
      OF THE ARDRES.

  With Maps, Plans, and Diagrams

  HODDER AND STOUGHTON
  LONDON, NEW YORK, AND TORONTO




{v}

CONTENTS


CHAPTER I

THE OPENING OPERATIONS

From July 1 to August 8, 1918

The general position--German attack of July 16--French counter-attack
of July 18--Turn of the tide--Fifty-first and Sixty-second Divisions
on the Ardres--Desperate fighting--The Fifteenth Scots Division at
Buzancy--Le Glorieux Chardon d'Écosse--Nicholson's Thirty-fourth
Division at Oulchy-le-Château--The campaigns on the periphery


CHAPTER II

ATTACK OF RAWLINSON'S FOURTH ARMY

The Battle of Amiens, August 8-22

Great British victory--Advance of the Canadians--Of the
Australians--Of the Third Corps--Hard struggle at Chipilly--American
assistance--Continuance of the operations--Great importance of the
battle


CHAPTER III

  CONTINUATION OF THE OPERATIONS OF RAWLINSON'S
  FOURTH ARMY

From August 22 to the Battle of the Hindenburg Line, September 29

Further advance of the Australians--Of the Third Corps--Capture of
Albert--Advance across the old Somme battlefield--Capture of Mont St.
Quentin--Splendid Australian exploit--Fall of Peronne--Debut of the
Yeomanry (Seventy-fourth) Division--Attack on the outliers of the
Hindenburg Line--Appearance of the Ninth Corps--Eve of the Judgment


{vi}

CHAPTER IV

THE ATTACK OF BYNG'S THIRD ARMY

August 21, 1918, to September 29, 1918

Advance of Shute's Fifth Corps--Great feat in crossing the
Ancre--Across the old battlefield--Final position of Fifth Corps
opposite Hindenburg's Main Line--Advance of Haldane's Sixth
Corps--Severe fighting--Arrival of the Fifty-second
Division--Formation of Fergusson's Seventeenth Corps--Recapture of
Havrincourt--Advance of Harper's Fourth Corps---Great tenacity of the
troops--The New Zealanders and the Jaeger--Final position before the
decisive battle


CHAPTER V

THE ADVANCE OF HORNE'S FIRST ARMY

From August 26 to September 27

The indefatigable Fifty-first Division--Capture of Greenland
Hill--Fine advance of the Canadians--Breaking of the Drocourt-Quéant
line--Fine work of the Sixty-third Naval Division--Great day for the
Dominion--Demeanour of German prisoners


CHAPTER VI

THE OPERATIONS OF RAWLINSON'S FOURTH ARMY

  From the Battle of the Hindenburg Line (September 29) to the
  Battle of the Selle, October 17

The first American operations--The rupture of the Hindenburg
Line--Predicament of Twenty-seventh American Division--Their gallant
resistance--Great Australian attack--Remarkable feat by the
Forty-sixth North Midland Territorial Division--Exeunt the Third
Corps and the Australians--Entrance of the Thirteenth Corps--Rupture
of the Beaurevoir line--Advance to the Selle River


CHAPTER VII

THE OPERATIONS OF RAWLINSON'S FOURTH ARMY

From the Battle of the Selle, October 17, to the end

Attack upon the line of the Selle River--Stubborn work by the Second
American Corps--Success of the Ninth Corps--Hard fighting at Le
Cateau--Great feat of the South Africans--Continued
advance--Delay-action mines--Capture of Landrecies--Dramatic exit of
the German machine-gunner--Splendid work of the First Division


{vii}

CHAPTER VIII

OPERATIONS OF BYNG'S THIRD ARMY

  From the Battle of the Hindenburg Line (September 29) to the
  Battle of the Selle (October 17)

Fighting at L'Escaut Canal--Dash of the New Zealanders--The Guards in
a hot corner--Crossing of the Canal--Back on the old ground--Great
work by all four Corps of the Third Army


CHAPTER IX

OPERATIONS OF BYNG'S THIRD ARMY

From the Battle of the Selle, October 12, to the end

The battle of the Selle River--Reversion to open warfare--The valour
of Lancashire--Haig's incessant blows--Weakening of the German
morale--The battle of Mormal Forest--New Zealanders and the mediaeval
fortress--Capture of the great forest--The Sambre bridged--A grand
Division--Advance of Fergusson's Seventeenth Corps--The last phase


CHAPTER X

THE ADVANCE OF HORNE'S FIRST ARMY

From September 27 to the end

The Canadians at the Canal du Nord--Hard fighting at Bourlon--Strong
counter-attack at Abancourt--Canadian valour--Godley's Twenty-second
Corps--The Ecaillon valley--Forcing of the Rhonelle--General
Heneker's attack--Capture of Douai


CHAPTER XI

OPERATIONS OF THE SECOND AND FIFTH ARMIES

September 28-November 11

King Albert in the field--Great Belgo-Franco-British advance--The
last act on the old stage--The prophet of 1915--Renewed
advance--Germans desert the coast--Relief of Douai and Lille--The
final stage in the subsidiary theatres of war


CHAPTER XII

THE END


APPENDIX

INDEX




{ix}

MAPS AND PLANS


Map to illustrate the British Campaign in France and Flanders

Advance of Fourth Army, August 8, showing Gains up to August 12, and
Final Position after the Fall of Peronne

Position of British Corps, end of September 1918

Advance of First, Third, and Fourth British.  Armies from August 21,
1918, to September 2, 1918.  Arrows point to the Rupture of the
Quéant-Drocourt Line

General Position of the Allies immediately before the Armistice of
November 11, 1918

Allied Advance in the North

[Transcriber's note: Because of their size and fragility, it was
impractical to scan the above five maps.  They have been omitted from
this etext.]


IN TEXT

The Attack on the Selle




[Illustration: Map to illustrate the British Campaign in France and
Flanders]




{1}

CHAPTER I

THE OPENING OPERATIONS

From July 1 to August 8, 1918

The general position--German attack of July 16--French counter-attack
of July 18--Turn of the tide--Fifty-first and Sixty-second Divisions
on the Ardres--Desperate fighting--The Fifteenth Scots Division at
Buzancy--Le Glorieux Chardon d'Écosse--Nicholson's Thirty-fourth
Division at Oulchy-le-Château--The campaigns on the periphery.


When the year 1918 had run half its course the Germans appeared to be
triumphantly in the ascendant.  In Flanders they had pushed back the
British to positions which were, on an average, to the rear of those
occupied in 1914.  On the Somme they had more than neutralised all
the Allied gains of 1916, and were stretched now from Arras to
Montdidier, covering ground which they had not touched since the
early days of the war.  On the Aisne they had reconquered all that
the French had so laboriously won in three campaigns, and were back
along the Marne and within gun-shot of Paris.  These results had been
achieved in three great battles which had cost the Allies some
200,000 prisoners and nearly 2000 guns.  In July it would have seemed
that the German Empire was victorious, and yet ere the year had ended
the very name had changed its meaning in the map of Europe, and was
known only in the list of {2} evil things which have had their day
and then have passed.  How this extraordinary change--the most sudden
and dramatic in all history--came to pass is the theme of this final
volume.

There were certain factors which even at the zenith of Germany's
fortunes may have prepared a cool-headed critic for a swing of the
scales, though the wisest and best informed could not have conceived
how violent the oscillation would be.  In the first place, the
ever-pressing strangle-hold of the Navy, combined with an indifferent
harvest and the exhaustion of certain stocks within the Empire,
notably of copper, rubber, wool, and lubricants, produced great
internal difficulties which grew worse with every month.  Then again
German successes had been bought in reckless fashion at a very heavy
price, and if they brought a million men across from the Russian
frontier it is probable that they had squandered nearly as many in
the three great battles.  Finally, there was the all-important factor
of the American reinforcements which had been speeded up to meet the
pressing emergency.  By splendid international co-operation the
Americans put all their proverbial energy into marshalling and
equipping the men, while Great Britain threw every available unit of
her sea power, mercantile or naval, into the task of getting them
across.  The long-suffering people of this island gladly cut down
their requirements in every possible direction so as to secure the
tonnage for this marvellous transfer.  At a steady rate of a quarter
of a million every month the Americans flowed into
France--magnificent raw material which was soon to show how quickly
it could develop into the most highly finished article.  {3} This
constant addition to the Allied forces, with the moral confidence
which they brought with them, was the third contributory cause to the
sudden change of fortune.  It would be ungenerous, however, not to
add that a fourth, without which all others might have been vain, lay
in the commanding personality and extraordinary genius of the great
Frenchman who now controlled the whole Allied battle front from the
sea to the Alps, while two great civilians, Lloyd George and
Clemenceau, rallied the home fronts of the two weary nations which
had borne the brunt of the war.

It will be remembered from the last volume that in the first half of
1918 the sun of victory had never once in Western Europe rested upon
the standards of the Allies save in Italy, where the Austrians had
been defeated upon the Piave.  June 17 was in truth the turning-point
of the war, for from that date everything went well with the forces
of freedom.  The change in the West came later, however, than in
Italy, and on July 16 the Germans attempted a new advance upon the
largest scale, which seemed to have some small success at first
though it was in truth the starting-point of all their misfortunes.
Their previous advances had brought them forward on the line from
Montdidier to Rheims, and now they enlarged their front by 25 miles
on the eastern side of Rheims, while their attack also covered about
the same distance to the west of that city, making some progress in
this latter sector, which led them down the valley of the Oise,
towards Villers-Cotterets, Compiègne, and finally Paris.  The whole
world held its breath in a hush of horror as it saw Foch's soldiers
desperately struggling and yet losing mile after mile {4} of the
short stretch which separated the Tuetonic barbarians from the centre
of the world's civilisation and culture.  They had crossed the Marne
that evening and had pushed the French and American line back for
some miles, but the latter rallied and regained some of the ground.
The most important point of the struggle, however, was to the east of
Rheims, where that splendid soldier, General Gouraud, a one-armed
bearded veteran of Gallipoli, created a false front which the enemy
captured, and then whilst they were still in disorder attacked them
from the real front, pushing them back with great loss.  This
development on the east of the line fully compensated for the German
advance on the west, which was brought to a final halt within two
days.  Foch had now bled the Germans until they had lost some of
their power of resistance.  The moment for his great counter-attack
was at hand, and the carefully husbanded reserves were ready for the
crisis--those reserves which it was his supreme merit to have hoarded
up when the temptation to spend them was more than the firmest will
could have been expected to resist.

[Sidenote: July 18]

On July 18 the blow fell, and the Germans recoiled in a movement
which was destined never to stop until they had crossed the Rhine.
All important as the operations were they are only indicated here
since this chronicle is necessarily confined to the British action,
and no British troops were as yet engaged.  Issuing under the cover
of a storm from the great forest of Villers-Cotterets which had
screened his preparations, the French Marshal hurled his line of
tanks upon the enemy, clearing a path for his infantry.  At the same
moment the French-American {5} line went forward over a front of 27
miles from the Oise to the Marne, striking the whole flank of the
German advance.  The attack extended from Vingre in the north to
Château-Thierry.  Everywhere the German flank fell back, their front
had to withdraw across the Marne, Château-Thierry was reoccupied and
20,000 prisoners with 400 guns were left in the hands of the victors.
Gradually, as the attack developed from day to day, a huge pocket was
formed, bulging southwards from the Aisne, with its lower edge upon
the Marne, the whole assuming much the shape which Spain does upon
the map of Europe.  This protrusion, instead of being a menacing
point directed towards Paris, was now a much battered salient
attacked simultaneously upon all sides, by Mangin in the west and by
Gouraud in the south and east.  Americans and French were on the
Marne, French alone to the west of it, and British with French on the
east of it.  All were fighting with the cold fury of men who have
reached a crisis where death is nothing and victory all.  Nurses at
the forward hospitals have testified how the French wounded were
brought in mutilated and dying, but delirious with joy because they
knew that the tide had turned.  What matter anything else?  What
matter life or limb?  The grey cloud was slowly, slowly drifting back
whence it came.

But it was very slow, for the German soldier had never fought better,
nor had his leaders ever shown greater skill in drawing him out from
danger and yet selling every rearward position at the highest price
of Allied blood.  All three Allies were tried to their utmost, for
the enemy had not yet learned that he was fated to retreat.  The
British, who had their {6} own great task already planned, were in
weak force, though that force was of the highest quality, for two
better divisions than Campbell's Fifty-first Highlanders and
Braithwaite's Sixty-second Yorkshiremen did not exist in the Army.
It is their operations which we have now to examine, since the grand
work of their American comrades-in-arms can only be included in the
scope of this work where they actually fought in the British
formations.

[Sidenote: Twenty-Second Corps on the Ardres.  July 20-21.]

They occupied a point on the eastern face of the attack, nearly
midway between the Marne and Rheims, and it was their task to force
their way up that valley of the Ardres down which the remains of the
British Ninth Corps had retreated from the disaster of the Aisne, and
across which the Nineteenth Division had been drawn when it stopped
the German advance near Bligny, as described in the last volume.
Some memory of island valour should linger in that valley, for much
good British blood has been shed there.  The two divisions which were
now hurried up to take their place in the French line formed the
Twenty-second Corps under Sir John Godley, and were accompanied by
some New Zealand and Australian Cavalry.  They relieved a mauled
Italian Corps, while they had Frenchmen on their left and Algerians
on their right, so that it would be difficult to imagine a more
cosmopolitan line of defence.  The country in front was hilly and
very difficult, and the line was bisected by the River Ardres, the
Sixty-second advancing on the right of the stream and the Fifty-first
on the left.

It was a very desperate and difficult business, which lasted for ten
days, during which each division showed the most splendid courage and
endurance, {7} as can be proved by the fact that their united losses
came to 8000 men out of about 16,000 engaged, and that they met and
defeated four German divisions, capturing 1500 prisoners, 140
machine-guns, and 40 cannon.  The opening attack, during which the
advancing lines passed through the ranks of the Second Italian Corps,
was greatly stimulated by the news of the splendid Allied advance of
the two previous days, July 18 and 19.

The fighting of both divisions was made very difficult by the
underwood and the standing corn which lay before them, thickly sown
with German machine-guns.  On July 20 the 2/4th York and Lancasters,
on the extreme right of the British line, captured Bouilly, but were
driven out again.  At the same time the 5th Yorkshire Light Infantry
was held up and lost heavily in front of the Château of Commetreuil.
It was a long, difficult, and expensive day for the 187th Brigade,
and its only remaining battalion, the 2/4th Yorkshire Light Infantry,
lost heavily as well.

The 185th Brigade on July 20 occupied the left of the divisional
line, with the Highlanders on the other side of the Ardres.  Marfaux
and Cuitron lay before them, but neither could be quite reached,
though again and again the assailants were on the very edge of the
villages.  Once some of the men of the 2/4th Hampshires from the
supporting brigade actually penetrated the village, but they were
seen no more.  The 2/4th West Ridings, south of the village, were
also held up.  Meanwhile the 5th West Ridings attempted to work
around Marfaux from the north, through the wood of Petit Camp.  All
attempts to debouch from the wood were vain, however, and {8} again
the attack was brought to nought.  Some ground had been gained during
the day, but both main efforts had failed, and all three brigades of
the Sixty-second Division had been badly mauled.  With no British
reserves behind, General Braithwaite must have been sorely exercised
in his mind that night.

On July 21 the attack eased down on the left, but on the right the
187th Brigade deployed and attacked the Bouilly Ridge.  The 9th
Durham Pioneers made a very fine advance, as did the 2/4th York and
Lancasters, and some valuable ground was taken, but none of the
villages.  The attackers were encouraged, however, by learning from
prisoners that the Germans had endured heavy losses, and had been
compelled to demand reinforcements.

On July 22 the situation began to clear a little as Burnett's 106th
Brigade, represented mainly by the 5th West Ridings, attacked the
wood of Petit Camp, an ominous grove, already littered with British
dead.  So deliberate was their advance, in consequence of the
difficult ground to be searched, that the barrage was at the rate of
100 yards in ten minutes.  The place was one long succession of gun
posts "en echelon," which were so concealed that they had no field of
fire, and were the more deadly on that account as they fired by sound
out of the bushes, and could not possibly be seen until one walked up
to them.  None the less the Yorkshiremen, helped by a wing of the 5th
Devons, fought their way through this dreadful wood, dropping small
posts as they went.  Two hundred prisoners and 41 machine-guns
remained in their hands, with 700 yards of new ground.  The German
losses were heavy, but so were {9} the British, Captain Cockhill's
company of the West Ridings emerging with two officers and six men
able to report for duty.  It was a fine operation, well conceived and
well carried through.  The Germans fought with great tenacity all day.

On July 23 the south-western corner of the Petit Camp Wood, which was
still in German hands, was cleared by the 6th West Ridings.  The main
attack, however, on Marfaux and Cuitron was carried out by the
Durhams and the New Zealand Cyclist Battalion with magnificent
success.  Marfaux fell to the New Zealanders.  The stormers broke
through both villages and made their line 400 yards beyond.  Two
French tanks did good service in this assault.  Two hundred prisoners
and eight French 75's, taken previously by the Germans, were among
the trophies of this fine advance.  The Seventy-seventh French
Division had attacked upon the right with equal success.

Up to this period the Highlanders of the Fifty-first Division had
been striving hard on the southern side of the Ardres, with a task
which was not less difficult than that of their English comrades on
the north.

On July 20 they found the enemy opposite to them in great strength,
as was shown by the fact that prisoners from three divisions, the
Twenty-second (Saxe-Meiningen), the Hundred and third (Hessian), and
the Hundred and twenty-third (Saxon) were taken that day.  The great
straggling wood of Courton, with a fringe of farms, mills, and other
buildings, formed a strong advanced position.  The Fifty-first
Division has gained so splendid a record in the war that advantage
may be taken of {10} this action to give in fuller detail its
glorious units.  The attack that morning was carried out by the 154th
Brigade, consisting of the 4th Seaforths, 4th Gordons, and 7th Argyll
and Sutherlands, on the right flank.  On the left was the 153rd
Brigade, consisting of the 6th and 7th Black Watch and 7th Gordons.
In reserve was the 152nd Brigade, 5th and 6th Seaforths and 6th
Gordons, with the 8th Royal Scots as pioneer battalion.  The attack
was supported by French artillery and also by the guns of the 255th
and 256th Brigades R.F.A.

The advance was a most arduous one, especially after the first
victorious rush when the troops found themselves involved in the
thick brushwood which prevented co-operation to such an extent that
the two brigades were entirely separated, but each struggled on
independently, small knots of determined men fighting their way
forward as best they might.  The progress was better upon the left
than on the right, but the casualties were heavy, for the German
machine-guns had survived the barrage and were very deadly.  Colonel
Bickmore of the 4th Gordons led a company of his battalion against a
German post but was brought down by a bomb, and his men driven back.
When the ground was recovered the Colonel had been carried off as a
prisoner.  The German infantry seem to have taken hardly any part in
the battle, which was fought between the splendid Scottish infantry
on one side, and the determined German machine-gunners on the other.
The Black Watch of the 153rd Brigade found an even blacker watch
fighting on their flank, for the Senegalese infantry of the French
Ninth Division went forward with them and did good work during the
{11} whole arduous day.  So sweeping was the machine-gun fire that at
many points it was found to be impossible even to creep forward
through the two-foot corn.

By evening the attack had been definitely held, and the Highlanders
were forced to be content with their initial gains, while the French
on the left, who had been assaulting the hamlet of Paradis all day,
were also stationary.  At 6.30 a company of German infantry attacked
the Argylls, but were driven back with heavy loss.  So the long day
ended, the troops being much exhausted.  The capture of 8 officers
and 360 men, with many machine-guns, was an inadequate return for
such heroic exertions.  All day the enemy had been withdrawing upon
the Marne front, and the holding of his flanks was so vitally
essential that he was prepared to make any sacrifice for the purpose.

The attack was continued next morning, the 152nd Brigade pushing
forward into the front line, while the other depleted units supported
it and guarded its flanks.  Things went badly at the outset, for the
line had been altered during the night and the barrage was
miscalculated in consequence, so that it was no great help to the 6th
Gordons in their advance.  All day mixed fighting went on in the
wood, and it was most difficult to determine the exact position of
the various units, groups of men stalking the machine-guns as hunters
might stalk tigers, the fight ending as often in the death of the
hunter as of the tiger.  Once again the evening of a bloody day found
things very much as they had been in the morning.  It cannot be
denied that the German resistance was a very stern one.

{12}

After a pause of a day the Highland Division renewed its attack along
a portion of its front, the main advance being carried out by the
152nd Brigade.  Once more the deadly woods were penetrated, and once
more there was a limited advance and considerable losses.  On this
occasion the barrage was more useful, though some French batteries on
the left fell short and caused heavy casualties to a company of the
6th Gordons in their point of assembly.  Such are the unavoidable
chances of modern warfare.  The 8th Royal Scots were thrown into the
fight, and made a fine advance.  Altogether there were signs this day
of a weakening on the German front, which was confirmed in the patrol
fighting of the next few days.  There were many casualties in the
152nd Brigade, including Major Moir, C.O. of the 5th Seaforths, who
was badly wounded.

[Sidenote: Twenty-Second Corps on the Ardres.  July 27.]

Major operations were in abeyance until July 27, when severe fighting
broke out once again upon the south side of the Ardres.  The 187th
Brigade had been sent across by General Braithwaite, and it now took
its place in General Carter-Campbell's sector, with the 152nd on its
right and the 153rd on its left, with the intention of making a
vigorous attack upon the German line on this front.  Tanks had been
allotted, but rain had set in, the ground was marshy, and the
monsters immovable.  All immediate objectives were easily taken.  The
villages of Espilly and Nappes had both been occupied.  So soft did
the front appear that the Australian horsemen were pushed forward,
while the troops north of the river moved on in sympathy.  The final
line was north-west of Chaumuzy.  Here, on July 28, a very stiff
German resistance was encountered, and Chambrecy {13} on the left
flank represented the No Man's Land between the armies.

[Sidenote: Twenty-Second Corps on the Ardres.  July 28-30.]

The Montagne de Bligny position, where the Nineteenth Division had
distinguished itself in June, now lay immediately ahead, and the 8th
West Yorkshires (Leeds Rifles) were ordered to attack it.  They went
forward so swiftly and with such spirit that they were into and over
the position before the Germans realised what had happened.  It was a
notable performance, for the place was of great strength and
strategic significance.  The French Government bestowed a special
mark of honour upon the 8th West Yorks for this deed, and it is
certainly a singular coincidence that, of the few British battalions
thus honoured, two should have won it at the same spot.  There was no
artillery support, and the casualties were heavy, but Yorkshire won
home in spite of it.  The enemy tried to regain it until the high
corn was full of his dead, but it was all in vain.  This day, with
the co-operation of the French, Bligny village was also taken.  No
further ground was gained on July 29, as a new German division, the
Two hundred and fortieth, had come into line with orders to hold on
at all costs.  The fighting was very severe at the junction between
the French and British, where the liaison was so close between the
two nations that it is on record that, when at a critical moment the
French ran out of cartridges, the rifles and ammunition of the
British casualties were handed over to them and saved the situation.
Shortly afterwards the two British divisions were drawn from the line
and returned to their own army.  In a generous appreciation of their
services General Berthelot, after enumerating their captures, said:
{14} "Thanks to the heroic courage and proverbial tenacity of the
British, the continued efforts of this brave Army Corps have not been
in vain....  You have added a glorious page to your history.
Marfaux, Chaumuzy, Montagne de Bligny--all those famous names will be
written in letters of gold in the annals of your regiments."  The
French official bulletins offered also a very special tribute of
praise to the 6th Black Watch, a Perthshire battalion, which, under
Colonel Tarleton, had done particularly fine work during the long and
arduous service of the Fifty-first Division.

[Sidenote: Twenty-Second Corps on the Ardres.  July 30-31.]

Whilst the Twenty-second British Corps had, as described,
distinguished itself greatly in the valley of the Ardres on the east
of the German salient, the Fifteenth Scottish Division under General
H. L. Reed, V.C., had been detailed to aid the French line in its
advance on Buzancy on the western German flank.  This veteran
division was thrown into the fight on July 28, and made its mark at
once upon the formidable German position which faced it.  It had
relieved the First American Division which was much worn by its long
and splendid service in General Mangin's Tenth Army.  The Americans
left their guns in the line to cover the advance, so that, for the
first time in history, British, Americans, and French were all
engaged as allies upon the same battleground.  The village was very
strongly held, and the high ground to the east of it was bristling
with machine-guns, but the Scots infantry would take no denial.  The
44th Brigade (Thomson) had attacked the village itself, the 5th
Gordons and 8th Seaforths leading the assault.  The latter battalion
lost its commander, Colonel Smith, but was the first into the {15}
objective, while the Gordons held and consolidated the ground to the
north of it.  Farther north still the 45th Brigade had advanced its
whole line, while at the south flank of the attack the 91st French
Infantry was clearing the woods in front of it.  The machine-gun fire
at this point was very heavy, however, and the French, after a
gallant struggle, were forced back to their original line, with the
result that the right of the attack was in the air.  The Seaforths
had carried the Château of Buzancy as well as the village, and the
orders were at all costs to hold on to these important points; so
part of the 4/5th Black Watch was pushed forward to strengthen the
defenders, who were hard pressed and heavily gassed.  There was
desperate fighting all round the village, which was declared by a
veteran French flammenwerfer section attached to the Highlanders to
be the most bloody work seen by them in the war.  With their flank
naked the remains of the brave battalions were exposed about six
o'clock in the evening to an overpowering German counter-attack which
rolled up from the south-east and drove them, still fighting tooth
and claw, through the village, from which six German officers and 200
men were brought as prisoners.  Thus by seven in the evening the 44th
Brigade, after their day of most heroic effort, were back on their
original line.  It was a sad end to a splendid deed of arms, but
there was no disposition to blame the Eighty-seventh French Division
on the right, who were already worn with much fighting, and who were
faced with very difficult country.  Many of the Highlanders wept
bitter tears of rage and mortification when they found that the
deaths of so many of their comrades had not bought the {16} village
for which they gave their blood so willingly.

[Sidenote: Fifteenth Division at Buzancy.  July 28-August 1.]

Orders were now received from the French Corps that the Scots
Fifteenth Division should change place with its neighbour, the
Eighty-seventh French Division, a difficult operation which was
successfully accomplished, the artillery in each case being left in
position.  The new operation was to consist of an attack upon
Hartennes Forest, the Twelfth French Division working round the south
and the Fifteenth Scots Division round the north end of it, both
meeting to the east, with Droisy as an ultimate objective.  The
attacking troops were concealed so far as possible in the cornfields
on July 31, and went forward about eight o'clock in the morning of
August 1, after the completion of a successful French advance further
down the line.  The brunt of this new advance was borne by the 6th
Camerons and 13th Royal Scots of the 45th Brigade (Orr-Ewing),
together with the 10th Scots Rifles and 7/8th Scottish Borderers of
the 46th Brigade (Fortune).  The left of the line made fine progress
and reached the east side of the Soissons Road, but the 45th Brigade
on the right was held up by terrible machine-gun fire, part of which
came from several derelict French tanks.  These were dealt with and
blown to pieces by trench mortars.  The advance was then resumed, the
French Twelfth Division coming forward also in the south.  About
midday the Camerons had reached their mark, but were out of touch
with the Borderers on their right, so that they were compelled to
form a defensive flank from the cemetery to the road.  The Germans
lay in a series of wooded hills upon the right, and though these were
smothered with shells the brave machine-gunners {17} still clung to
their position.  So heavy was their fire that the right flank could
get no farther, and it was determined to hold on to the ground
gained.  During the night the 44th Brigade, in spite of its heavy
losses three days before, took the place of the 46th.

[Sidenote: Fifteenth Division at Buzancy.  July 28-August 2.]

It was evident on the morning of August 2 that the stern combat of
the previous day had not been without its effect.  The enemy was
retreating all along the line, and his positions were being rapidly
evacuated.  The Twelfth French Division on the right was able to
advance almost without opposition past the Hartennes Wood.  There
followed an exhilarating pursuit up to the banks of the Crise River.
The 9th Gordon Pioneer Battalion pushed in with great dash, and was
in Villeblain before evening, while the French Eighty-seventh
Division reached the river east of Buzancy.  The Fifteenth Division
was then relieved by the Seventeenth French Division, and was
restored to the First British Army amid a shower of congratulatory
messages from French Generals and comrades.  So deep was the feeling
among the French over the magnificent fighting and heavy losses of
the Scots Division that a monument was at once raised in their honour
in front of the old German position with the inscription: "Ici
fleurira toujours le glorieux Chardon d'Écosse parmi les Roses de
France."  Many brave Scots will lie for ever round this monument.
Three splendid battalion commanders, Smith of the Gordons, Turner of
the Royal Scots, and Kennedy of the Seaforths, were slain, while Hart
of the Scots Borderers and Macleod of the Camerons were
incapacitated--five Colonels out of ten battalions.  The sufferings
from gas were very {18} severe, and all the Brigade Headquarters were
severely affected, General Thomson and his staff holding on for the
duration of the battle, but collapsing on the evening of August 2.

[Sidenote: Thirty-Fourth Division with the French.  July 25-August 1.]

Whilst the Fifteenth Division had been performing this notable
service the Thirty-fourth British Division (Nicholson) had also been
incorporated for the moment into Mangin's Fifteenth Army, and was
heavily engaged in the battle line opposite Grand Rozoy, rather south
of the point where the Scots were fighting.

So great had been the losses of this splendid Tyneside division in
the terrible contests of the Somme and of Flanders that it was now
entirely reconstituted with nothing of its previous personnel save
its veteran commander and a handful of war-worn officers.  The
infantry were mostly Territorials from the Palestine campaign.  On
July 18 the Thirty-fourth became part of the Tenth French Army near
Senlis.  On the 22nd it was incorporated into General Penet's
Thirtieth Corps, and relieved the French Thirty-eighth Division in
the battle zone, on a line parallel to the Château-Thierry-Soissons
Road, having its right just west of Coutremain and its left in Parcy
Tigny.  Woodcock's 101st Brigade was on the right, Williams' 102nd on
the left, while Chaplin's 103rd Brigade was in support.  French
divisions, the Nineteenth and the Fifty-eighth, were on either side,
so that Nicholson's men formed a curious isolated little bit of
fighting England.

At 6 A.M. on the morning of July 25 the whole line in this section
attacked with the intention of carrying the important road already
mentioned from Château-Thierry to Soissons.  It was a hard and
disappointing day, for the French divisions on either {19} side were
held by the heavy fire from the Bois de Plessier and Tigny.  The
101st Brigade was not more successful, but the 102nd on the left got
forward nearly a mile, and then lay with its left flank thrown back
to connect up with its French neighbours.  Considering that it was
the first experience which these men had had of German artillery and
machine-guns, General Nicholson was well satisfied with his new
material.

On July 27 the division was relieved by the extension of the flanks
of its two neighbours, but it was at once fitted into the line again,
filling a battle-front of 1500 yards, with its right east of
Oulchy-le-Château.  It was just in time for an attack which opened at
5 A.M. on July 29, and it was only by great exertions that the guns
were registered and the infantry in their places.  The objective was
a horse-shoe ridge from Beugneux in the east to Grand Rozoy in the
west.  The 103rd Brigade was on the right, the 101st upon the left.

The barrage was not as deadly as usual on account of the pressure of
time which had hampered the preparation and registration.  The slopes
were long and open, swept by the deadly machine-guns.  It was all
odds against the attack.  The 103rd Brigade got to the outskirts of
Beugneux, but was held up by the murderous fire from an adjacent
mill.  The 101st surmounted the ridge between Grand Rozoy and
Beugneux, but could get no farther, for it was all open ground to the
north.

In the early afternoon the 102nd Brigade advanced from the wood in
which it lay with the intention of helping the 101st to storm
Beugneux, but as it came forward it met the 101st falling back before
a strong {20} counter-attack.  This movement was checked by the
new-comers and the line was sustained upon the ridge.

The net result of an arduous day was that the division was still
short of the coveted road, but that it had won about 2000 yards of
ground, including a good position for future operations.  Casualties
were heavy, and included Colonel Jourdain of the 2nd North
Lancashires as well as Captain Weeks, C.O. of the 4th Royal Sussex.
The French had got Grand Rozoy upon the left flank, and though they
were driven out of it again they won their way back in the early
morning of July 30.  All this day and the next the troops prepared
for a new effort, lying under heavy shell-fire which, among other
casualties, killed Colonel Dooner, the chief staff officer of the
division.

On August 1 the attack was renewed under a very heavy and efficient
barrage, which helped the infantry so much that within two hours all
objectives had been won.  Beugneux fell after the hill which
commanded it had been stormed by the 8th Argyll and Sutherland
Highlanders in a very gallant advance.  Colonel Barbow fell while
leading his men to victory.  On the left the French Twenty-fifth
Division had been held up by the deadly fire from a knoll, but Major
Atkinson of the 2nd North Lancashires realised the situation and
diverted his reserve company to storm the obstacle, enabling the
French right to get forward.  It was planned that two British
battalions should push on beyond their objectives in order to cover
the flanks of a further French advance.  One of these, the 4th
Cheshires, carried out its part to perfection in spite of heavy
losses, which included Colonel Swindells, its commander.  The 1st
Herefords, {21} however, whose rôle was to cover the left of the
Sixty-eighth French Division, was unable to do so, as that division
was itself held up.  That night the enemy was in full retreat all
along this line, and falling back upon the River Vesle.  On August 3
the Thirty-fourth Division was returned to the area of the Second
British Army, having done a fine spell of service which brought the
warmest compliments from the French commanders, not only to the
infantry, but to General Walthall's guns (152nd and 160th Brigades)
as well as Colonel Dobson's 207th, 208th, and 209th Field Companies.

The northward advance of the French, Americans, and British was slow
up to the end of July, but became accelerated in the first week of
August, Soissons falling to the French on August 2, and the Germans
being driven to the line of the Vesle, when they held on very
tenaciously for a time, their rearguards showing their usual high
soldierly qualities.  The Americans had a particularly hard struggle,
being faced by some of the élite of the German Army, including the
4th Prussian Guards, but winning their way steadily forward in spite
of many strong counter-attacks.  The situation upon the Vesle and the
Aisne seemed for the moment to have reached an equilibrium, when
Marshal Foch called Marshal Haig to his assistance and a new attack
was launched in which British troops were once more employed on the
grand scale.  Their great march had started which was to end only at
the bank of the Rhine.

[Sidenote: General Survey.]

Before embarking upon this narrative, it would be well to prevent the
necessity of interrupting it by casting a glance at those general
events connected with the world war which occurred during this
period, {22} which reacted upon the Western front.  It has already
been shortly stated that the Austrian Army had been held in their
attempt to cross the Piave in mid June, and by the end of the month
had been driven over the river by the Italians, aided by a strong
British and French contingent.  The final losses of the Austrians in
this heavy defeat were not less than 20,000 prisoners with many guns.
From this time until the final Austrian debacle there was no severe
fighting upon this front.  In the Salonican campaign the Greek Army
was becoming more and more a factor to be reckoned with, and the
deposition of the treacherous Constantine, with the return to power
of Venizelos, consolidated the position of the Allies.  There was no
decided movement, however, upon this front until later in the year.
In Palestine and in Mesopotamia the British forces were also
quiescent, Allenby covering the northern approaches of Jerusalem, and
preparing for his last splendid and annihilating advance, while
Marshall remained in a similar position to the north of Bagdad.  A
small and very spirited expedition sent out by the latter will no
doubt have a history of its own, for it was adventurous to a degree
which was almost quixotic, and yet justified itself by its results.
This was the advance of a handful of men over 700 miles of desert
separating the Bagdad front from the Caspian.  Arriving at the town
of Baku they kept the German-Turks out of that town for six weeks at
a time when oil supplies were a most pressing problem for them, and
so influenced the course of the war.  Finally they withdrew in safety
after a most remarkable exploit, hardly realised amid the clash of
greater forces.  Russia still remained in its distracted {23}
condition, hag-ridden by forces which at their worst surpassed all
the classical excesses of the French Revolution.  Regeneration began
to appear out of chaos, however, though the end was still afar.
Allied forces in Siberia and on the Murman Coast formed nuclei upon
which the supporters of civilisation could rally.  On the water the
atrocities of the German submarines and their sinking of hospital
ships, accompanied in several cases by the drowning of the sick and
wounded men, were the outstanding feature.  In the main, therefore,
it can be said that there was a hush upon the periphery, while in the
centre the Allies with concentrated energy hurled themselves upon
their enemy with the fixed determination to have done with the thing
for ever, fighting without a break until either they could fight no
more or the German menace had passed from the world which it had
overshadowed so long.  Nowhere was there a thought of compromise.
There could be no justice unless it were thorough justice.  The
criminal methods by which the war had been waged forbade every
thought of an incomplete settlement.  With stern and deliberate
determination the French and British turned to their task,
strengthened by the knowledge that the vanguard of America was
already in the field, weak as yet in numbers, but the head of that
long column which extended across the Atlantic and was based upon the
virile nation of a hundred million souls beyond.




{24}

CHAPTER II

ATTACK OF RAWLINSON's FOURTH ARMY

The Battle of Amiens, August 8-22

Great British victory--Advance of the Canadians--Of the
Australians--Of the Third Corps--Hard struggle at Chipilly--American
assistance--Continuance of the operations--Great importance of the
battle.

[Sidenote: August 8.]

In the tremendous and decisive operations which we are now about to
examine, it is very necessary to have some fixed scheme in the method
of description lest the reader be inextricably lost in the long line
of advancing corps and armies.  A chapter will be devoted, therefore,
to the attack made by Rawlinson's Fourth Army whilst it was operating
alone from August 8 to August 22.  At that date Byng's Third Army
joined in the fray, and subsequently, on August 28, Horne's First
Army came into action.  For the present, however, we can devote
ourselves whole-heartedly to the record of Rawlinson's Army, all the
rest being inactive.  When the others come in, that is, after August
22, a definite system of narrative will be adopted.

[Illustration: Advance of Fourth Army, August 8, showing Gains up to
August 12, and Final Position after the Fall of Peronne]

Before describing the great battle some reference should be made to
the action of Le Hamel fought on July 4, noticeable as having been
the first Allied offensive since the early spring.  Its complete
success, {25} after the long series of troubles which had plunged all
friends of freedom into gloom, made it more important than the
numbers engaged or the gain of ground would indicate.  It was carried
out by the Australian Corps, acting as part of the Fourth Army, and
is noticeable because a unit from the Thirty-third American Division
took part in the operations.  Le Hamel was taken and the Vaire Wood
to the immediate south of the Somme.  The gain of ground was about a
mile in depth on a front of several miles, and the advance was so
swift that a considerable number of prisoners, 1500 in all, were
taken, many of them still encumbered by their gas-masks.  Some sixty
tanks took part in the advance, and did splendid work in rolling out
the machine-gun nests of the Germans.  Sir John Monash has attributed
some of the splendid efficiency of the Australian arrangements and
their cunning in the mutual support of guns, tanks, and infantry, so
often to be shown in the next four months, to the experience gained
in this small battle.

The front of the new and most important attack, which began in the
early morning of August 8, was fifteen miles in length, and extended
from near Morlancourt in the north to Braches upon the Avre River to
the south.  The right of the attack from Hangard onwards was formed
by General Debeney's First French Army, while General Rawlinson's
Fourth Army formed the left, the British portion being roughly
three-fourths of the whole.  The entire battle was under the command
of Marshal Haig.

The preparations had been made with the skill which the British
Command has so often shown in such operations, so that the Germans
were swept off {26} their feet by an attack which came upon them as a
complete surprise.  It was half-past four on a misty morning when the
enemy's advanced line heard the sudden crash of the gun-fire, and a
moment later saw the monstrous forms of the tanks looming up through
the grey light of dawn.  Behind the tanks and almost in touch of them
came the grim war-worn infantry.  Everything went down before that
united rush.  The battle was won as soon as begun.  The only question
was how great the success would be.

Taking a bird's-eye view of the advance, before examining the
operations more closely, one may say that the Canadian Corps, now
under a Canadian commander, General Currie, was on the extreme right
of the British line, in touch with the French.  Next to them, in the
Morlancourt district, where they had never ceased for the last four
months to improve their position and to elbow the invaders away from
Amiens, were the indomitable and tireless Australians under General
Monash.  On their left, just south of Albert, was Butler's Third
Corps, burning to avenge itself for the hustling which it had endured
during that perilous and heroic week in March.  These were the three
units concerned in the new advance.

The opening barrage, though only a few minutes in length, was of a
shattering severity, and was directed against very different defences
from those which had defied the Army two years before upon the Somme.
Everything flattened out before it, and even the German guns seemed
to have been overwhelmed, for their reply was slow and ineffective.
Only the machine-guns remained noxious, but the tanks rolled them
down.  Nowhere at first was there any check or delay.  The French on
the right of {27} the line had done equally well, and by midday were
storming forward upon the north bank of the Avre, their victory being
the more difficult and honourable because the river prevented the use
of tanks at the first attack.

The Canadians were on the top of their form that day, and their
magnificent condition gave promise of the splendid work which they
were to do from that hour until almost the last day of the war.  They
were probably the most powerful and efficient corps at that moment in
the whole Army, for they had lain in front of Lens with few losses,
while nearly every other corps had been desperately engaged and
sustained heavy casualties, hastily made good by recruits.  They had
also kept their brigades up to a four battalion standard, and their
divisions had that advantage of permanence denied to all British
corps.  When to these favouring points are added the great hardihood
and valour of the men, proved in so many battles, it is probable that
in the whole world no finer body could on that day have been let
loose behind a barrage.  They were weary from long marches before the
battle began, but none the less their great spirit rose high above
all physical weakness as they pushed forward against the German line.

They were faced at the outset by a problem which might well have
taxed the brains of any staff and the valour of any soldiers.  This
was the crossing of the River Luce, which was covered upon the
farther bank by several scattered woods, ideal haunts of
machine-guns.  So difficult was this operation that the French to the
south had to pause for an hour after the capture of the front German
line, to give time for it to be carried out.  At the end of that
period the {28} very complex operation had been carried through, and
the whole Allied front was ready to advance.  The Canadians had three
divisions in the line, the Third (Lipsett) next to the French, the
First (Macdonell) in the middle, and the Second (Benstall) on the
left.  The 2nd and 3rd British Cavalry Brigades with the Fourth
Canadian Infantry Division (Watson) were in reserve.  There was also
a mobile force, called the Canadian Independent Force, which was kept
ready to take advantage of any opening.  This consisted of the 1st
and 2nd Canadian Motor Machine-gun Brigades, with the Corps Cyclists,
and some movable trench mortars on lorries.

The width of the Canadian attack was some 5000 yards from the
Amiens-Roye Road to the Villers-Bretonneux Railway.  Once across the
river the whole line came away with a grand rush and every objective
was soon attained, each division sweeping forward without a check.
The prisoners reported that an attack had indeed been expected, but
not so soon, and we can readily believe that the German Army, which
had been so repeatedly assured that the British were finally dead and
out of the war, must have been greatly amazed by this vigorous
resurrection.  By 10.40, Caix, which is a good five miles to the
eastward, was reported by contact aeroplanes to be surrounded by
tanks.  The Cavalry and the Independent Force were both pushing to
the front, and the latter deviated to the right in order to help the
French, who were temporarily in difficulties near Mezières.  In the
afternoon the Cavalry Division had passed through the victorious and
cheering lines of the Second Canadians, and were carrying out a
number of spirited enterprises upon the {29} German supporting lines.
About the same time the Fourth Canadian Infantry Division pushed
forward and was reported to the east of Beaufort and Cayeux.  By
evening all along the line the full objectives had been reached save
at one point near Le Quesnel.  In their splendid day's work men of
the Dominion had taken some 5000 prisoners and great quantities of
booty.  Many of the prisoners and guns were taken by the cavalry, who
had their best day in the war.  "The best hunt we ever had, forty
minutes and a kill in the open," was the characteristic description
of one hard-riding dragoon.

We shall now turn to the advance of Monash's Australians in the
centre of the British line.  Fate owed Monash a great victory in this
sector, for, during months of quiet but ceaseless work, he had been
improving his position as the keen runner ensures his foothold and
crouches his body while he awaits the crack of the pistol.  For once
Fate paid its debts, and with such a corps under his hand it would
have been strange had it not been so.  All those advantages already
described in the case of the Canadians applied equally to the
Australians, and if the former outlasted the others, it must be
remembered that the Australians had been in the line for four months
before the fighting began--months which included the severe action of
Villers-Bretonneux.  They were a grand corps, and they did grand work
for the Empire--work which we can never forget so long as our common
history endures.

The order of battle of the Australian Corps on August 8 was that the
Second Division (Smyth) was on the right in touch with the Canadians,
while the Third Division (Gillibrand) was on the left in touch {30}
with the Fifty-eighth British Division, the Somme being the dividing
line between them.  Behind the Second Australians was the Fifth
(Hobbs), and behind the Third the Fourth (Maclagan), with orders in
each case to leapfrog over their leaders when the first objectives
were carried.  The First Division (Glasgow) was in the immediate
rear.  Thus at least 50,000 glorious infantry marched to battle under
the Southern Cross Union Jack upon this most historic day--a day
which, as Ludendorff has since confessed, gave the first fatal shock
to the military power of Germany.

All depended upon surprise, and the crouching troops waited most
impatiently for the zero hour, expecting every instant to hear the
crash of the enemy's guns and the whine of the shrapnel above the
assembly trenches.  Every precaution had been taken the day before,
the roads had been deserted by all traffic, and aeroplanes had flown
low during the night, so that their droning might cover the noise of
the assembling tanks.  Some misgiving was caused by the fact that a
sergeant who knew all about it had been captured several days before.
By a curious chance the minutes of his cross-examination by the
German intelligence officer were captured during the battle.  He had
faced his ordeal like a Spartan, and had said no word.  It is not
often that the success of a world-shaking battle depends upon the
nerve and the tongue of a single soldier.

Zero hour arrived without a sign, and in an instant barrage, tanks,
and infantry all burst forth together, though the morning mist was so
thick that one could only see twenty or thirty yards.  Everywhere the
enemy front posts went down with hardly a struggle.  It was an
absolute surprise.  Now and then, as the {31} long, loose lines of
men pushed through the mist, there would come the flash of a
field-piece, or the sudden burst of a machine-gun from their front;
but in an instant, with the coolness born of long practice, the men
would run crouching forward, and then quickly close in from every
side, shooting or bayoneting the gun crew.  Everything went
splendidly from the first, and the tanks did excellent service,
especially in the capture of Warfusee.

The task of the two relieving divisions, the Fourth on the left and
the Fifth on the right, was rather more difficult, as the Germans had
begun to rally and the fog to lift.  The Fourth Australians on the
south bank of the Somme were especially troubled, as it soon became
evident that the British attack on the north bank had been held up,
with the result that the German guns on Chipilly Spur were all free
to fire across from their high position upon the Australians in the
plain to the south.  Tank after tank and gun after gun were knocked
out by direct hits, but the infantry was not to be stopped and
continued to skirmish forward as best they might under so deadly a
fire, finishing by the capture of Cerisy and of Morcourt.  The Fifth
Division on the right, with the 8th and 15th Brigades in front, made
an equally fine advance, covering a good stretch of ground.

Having considered the Canadians and the Australians, we turn now to
the Third Corps on the north of the line.  They were extended from
Morlancourt to the north bank of the Somme, which is a broad
canalised river over all this portion of its course.  On the right
was the Fifty-eighth London Division (Ramsay), with Lee's Eighteenth
Division to the north of it, extending close to the Ancre, where
Higginson's {32} Twelfth Division lay astride of that marshy stream.
North of this again was the Forty-seventh Division (Gorringe),
together with a brigade of the Thirty-third American Division.  Two
days before the great advance, on August 6, the Twenty-seventh
Wurtemburg Division had made a sudden strong local attack astride of
the Bray-Corbie Road, and had driven in the Eighteenth Divisional
front, taking some hundreds of prisoners, though the British
counter-attack regained most of the lost ground on the same and the
following days.  This unexpected episode somewhat deranged the
details of the great attack, but the Eighteenth played its part
manfully none the less, substituting the 36th Brigade of the Twelfth
Division for the 54th Brigade, which had been considerably knocked
about.  None of the British prisoners taken seem to have given away
the news of the coming advance, but it is probable that the sudden
attack of the Wurtemburgers showed that it was suspected, and was
intended to anticipate and to derange it.

In the first phase of the attack the little village of
Sailly-Laurette on the north bank of the Somme was carried by assault
by the 2/10th Londons.  At the same moment the 174th Brigade attacked
Malard Wood to the left of the village.  There was a difficulty in
mopping up the wood, for small German posts held on with great
tenacity, but by 9 o'clock the position was cleared.  The 173rd
Brigade now went forward upon the really terrible task of getting up
the slopes of Chipilly Hill under the German fire.  The present
chronicler has looked down upon the line of advance from the position
of the German machine-guns and can testify that the affair was indeed
as {33} arduous as could be imagined.  The village of Chipilly was
not cleared, and the attack, after several very gallant attempts, was
at a stand.  Meantime the 53rd Brigade on the left had got about
half-way to its objective and held the ground gained, but could get
no farther in face of the withering fire.  Farther north, however,
the Twelfth Division, moving forward upon the northern slopes of the
Ancre, had gained its full objectives, the idea being that a similar
advance to the south would pinch out the village of Morlancourt.
There was a time in the attack when it appeared as if the hold-up of
the Eighteenth Division would prevent Vincent's 35th Brigade, on the
right of the Twelfth Division, from getting forward, but the
situation was restored by a fine bit of work by the 1st
Cambridgeshires, who, under Colonel Saint, renewed the attack in a
most determined way and finally were left with only 200 men standing,
but with 316 German prisoners as well as their objective.  A
wandering tank contributed greatly to this success.

The partial nature of the local victory was due not only to the
excellent German dispositions and resistance, but to some want of
liaison between tanks and infantry, as well as to the total
disability of the flying service to furnish any reports before 12
o'clock.  This want was partly made good by the excellent scouting of
the Northumberland Hussars.  The remainder of the day was spent in
clearing the ground gained and holding a series of counter-attacks,
one of which drove back an advanced line of the 53rd Brigade.

Summing up, then, the result of the first day's fighting, it may be
briefly said that seven German Divisions had been cut to pieces, that
10,000 prisoners {34} and 200 guns had been counted, and that an
advance had been made which in the French sector reached Beaufort,
and laid the British line well up to Caix, Framerville, and Chipilly.
To those who associated those village names with the dark days when
the Fifth Army, exhausted and decimated, was compelled to retreat
through them, it was indeed an added joy that they should be the
milestones of victory.  The whole penetration, though not more than
three miles north of the Somme, was seven or eight miles at the
deepest point, which is the greatest ever yet attained on the first
day of any Allied attack.

[Sidenote: August 9.]

The battle was vigorously renewed on the morning of August 9, and
once more the tide flowed eastwards, carrying the average depth of
progress two or three miles farther.  In the south the French
directed their general advance rather to the right and reached
Arvillers as their final point.  Their take of prisoners had amounted
altogether to 4000, and their depth of advance was over eight miles.
To their north the Canadians had reached Rosières, and the
Australians Rainecourt and Morcourt.  To the north of the Somme the
Third Corps had been temporarily hung up by the very vigorous German
resistance in a strong position between Chipilly and Morlancourt.
Before evening General Rawlinson was able to report the capture of a
total for the two days of 17,000 prisoners and 250 guns.

To take the events of this second day of battle in closer detail, the
Canadians resumed their attack at 10 A.M. with the same order of
divisions in the line, but with their Fourth Division acting with the
Independent Force upon the right, where in the early morning it
captured Le Quesnel.  There was heavy {35} fighting all day along the
Corps front, but the advance was pushed forward for another 2500
yards.  Many villages were contained in this area, the Third
Canadians on the right getting Folies and Bouchoir, the Second
Canadians on the left Vrely, Rosières, and Meharicourt, while the
First Canadians in the centre got Warvillers, Beaufort, and Rouvroy.
The Germans had rushed up their anti-tank guns, and the casualties
were heavy that day, especially near Le Quesnel, where many tanks
were destroyed by direct hits from concealed batteries.  To make a
complete and connected narrative of the doings upon this front it may
here be added that on August 10 the resistance thickened and the
advance slowed.  Le Quesnel[1] was taken early by the Third
Canadians, upon which the Thirty-second British Division passed
through their ranks and carried the advance on to the outskirts of
Parvillers and Damery.  The Fourth Canadian Division in turn had very
stubborn fighting and considerable losses, but it ended the day in
possession of Fouquescourt, Maucourt, Chilly, and Hallu.  At night,
great fires reddening the whole eastern sky gave promise of a further
German retreat.  On August 11 it was clear, however, that no further
important advance could be made without fresh preparation, and orders
were given for consolidation.  A French attack on the right on Bois
en Z had no success, nor was the Thirty-second Division able to take
Damery.  Instead of advance it was rather a day of strong
counter-attacks, against which the attenuated lines, after three days
of battle, were hard put to it to hold their own, a flank fire from
Lihons helping the German attack at Hallu and Chilly.  The line was
in the main held, however, and {36} a total take of 8000 prisoners
was in the Canadian cages that evening, while 167 guns had been taken
by the one Corps.  We shall now turn back and follow the fortunes of
the Australians on the second and third days of the battle.


[1] There are two villages of that name.


Upon August 9 General Monash's Corps still carried forward its
victorious career, though a halt was called for the Fourth Division
on the left which awaited developments upon the north bank of the
river.  On the right the Second Division passed through the Fifth in
order to continue the advance, while the First Division thrust itself
in upon the right flank, next to the Canadians.  Progress was slower
everywhere, but none the less it was substantial, Framerville being
taken by the 7th Brigade.  There was a misunderstanding about time,
with the result that the First Division advanced some hours before
their Canadian neighbours, with tragic consequences to their own
right flank, formed by the 2nd Brigade.  The advance was over open
country, with the Lihons ridge and village in front, from which heavy
gun-fire played upon the attack and caused considerable losses, while
on the right a deadly fire was maintained from Rosières Station.  So
heavy were the casualties in the First and Second Divisions that
reinforcements had to be sent up when the advance was resumed.  In
the evening some relief was obtained, for the region of the old
French trenches was reached and the men were at last able to get some
cover.  Many of the Australians who fought through this long hot day
had marched for five hours in order to reach the field of battle, so
that it was a remarkable test of endurance.  Finally Crepy and Crepy
Wood were taken and held against three severe counter-attacks which
{37} broke upon them next day.  On August 11 Lihons Ridge fell and
the village was occupied by the 2nd Brigade, which again had to face
determined attacks.  The Germans fully appreciated the vital worth of
this position, which commanded the plain both to west and east, so
they strained every nerve first to hold and afterwards to recover it,
but it was in stronger hands than theirs.  The 3rd Brigade on the
left of Lihons was particularly heavily attacked but threw back its
assailants in confusion.  Every yard gained was held.  A final very
serious German counter-attack in successive waves, with 400 in a
wave, drove down from Lihu Wood in the north-east and actually
penetrated the front Australian lines, but the 8th Battalion in
support threw itself into the fight and soon the position had been
completely restored.

In the meantime, the Fourth Australian Division had been released by
the fact that the remains of the Fifty-eighth Division and the 131st
American Infantry Eegiment had, as will be told, cleared the Chipilly
Ridge north of the river.  Part of the Fourth Australians had crossed
the river, fraternising greatly with the Americans, so that the
officers on both sides had some trouble in sorting out their men--the
more so as the comradeship had often taken the form of an exchange of
hats and coats.  On the night of August 10 the whole of the Fourth
Australians had crossed to the north bank of the Somme near
Sailly-le-Sec, and their commander, General Maclagan, had taken under
him the Americans and also the 173rd and 174th Brigades of the
British Fifty-eighth Division, much the worse for wear.

[Sidenote: August 11.]

The Third Australian Division had taken the place south of the Somme
vacated by their {38} fellow-countrymen, and on the morning of August
11 they continued the attack in the direction of Proyart, that
village being eventually carried by the 10th Brigade.  It is needless
to say that books might, and probably will, be written as to
individual adventures and deeds of heroism, which in their aggregate
supplied the driving force which carried the line ever more and more
to the eastward.  In giving a condensed account of the effects one
can hardly get down to the more human story of the causes.  Yet few
greater deeds of valour can have been anywhere done than that of
Sergeant Statton of the 40th Battalion, who in this engagement of
Proyart seeing a neighbouring battalion, the 37th, held up by a nest
of machine-guns, ran across to their aid, shot all the gunners at one
gun, captured three guns single-handed, and chased the crews from two
others.  Many a battalion has spent itself in doing less.

We shall now turn to the British Third Corps on the north of the
Somme and so complete the account of the attack of the Fourth Army.
It will be remembered that on the evening of August 8 they had made
headway along the whole line but had been held up on the Chipilly
Spur.

[Sidenote: August 9.]

The attack upon Chipilly was renewed at 4.15 next afternoon, the
delay being caused by the need of assembling the reserves, which
consisted of the remainder of the Fifty-eighth Division and of the
131st Regiment of the Thirty-third Division (Bell) of the United
States Army.  The assault was made by the 6th and 2/10th London
Battalions, but they were opportunely and very efficiently aided by
two companies of the Americans, who had lost their direction for the
main attack planned to the north, but who {39} seemed indifferent
which fight they were in so long as they were fighting.  There was a
check at the outset, but the attack, while demonstrating from the
west, really materialised from the north, and both village and ridge
were captured with a number of prisoners.  This was a very important
little victory from the point of view of the Australians to the south
who had been commanded by the German guns from this elevated position.

The main attack was north of the Chipilly Spur, and was planned to
gain Cressaire Wood and a line across from the Somme to the Ancre
corresponding with such an advance.  The assault was made by two weak
brigades of the Fifty-eighth Londoners upon the right, the 131st
American Regiment in the centre, and the remains of the Fifty-eighth
upon the left.  Farther north the Twelfth Division, with the 37th
Brigade in front, carried on the line.  Both Londoners and Americans
advanced with equal valour, and after a stiff fight the main portion
of the objectives was won, though it took three hours of hard work to
win them.  Much credit was due to all, but most to the American
infantry, who had their first experience of modern fighting and who
were naturally embarrassed by the disappearance of two of their
companies which had drifted into the Chipilly affair.  For a time
there was a gap between divisions, but before evening the Twelfth
extended to the right and all was well.  The correction was very
necessary, for at 3 A.M. on August 10 a German counter-attack broke
without effect upon this very point of junction.  The Twelfth
Division had had a very good day on August 9, Incledon-Webber's 37th
Brigade especially distinguishing itself.  The 6th Buffs and 6th West
{40} Kents had heavy losses, but took 350 prisoners, two field-guns,
and a number of machine-guns.  Two of these were taken single-handed
by Sergeant Harris of the West Kents, who met his death in attacking
a third.  The Victoria Cross was his posthumous reward.

[Sidenote: August 10.]

On August 10 the Third Corps front was pushed forward in the morning
by a system of infiltration, British and American patrols scouting
and fighting through the eastern portion of Cressaire Wood.  Before
evening, without any serious fighting, they reached the old French
Amiens defence line, which was the original full objective upon this
front.  Having entirely accomplished his arduous task General Butler,
who had been handicapped by an illness which he disregarded while his
work called for his presence, took a short spell of rest, his place
being taken by General Godley.  The Forty-seventh Division (Gorringe)
came across to the right wing, relieving the Eighteenth Division,
while shortly after the Thirty-third American Division, to the great
regret of their British comrades, entrained for the south to join the
main American army, but not before their 133rd Eegiment, acting with
the 13th Australian Brigade, had taken Etinehem Spur, to the north of
the River Somme.  The action now died down in this quarter.  In the
three days of fighting General Butler's Corps had taken 90 guns and
3000 prisoners, while, in the words of General Rawlinson, "in
protecting the left flank of the Fourth Army they were given a
difficult task which was carried out with a determination and
gallantry beyond all praise."  The losses had been 6500, 500 of which
were from the American Regiment.  The general result of the battle
{41} by the night of August 11 was that the French had taken 8000 and
the British 21,000 prisoners with 400 guns, so that it was already
clear that the greatest victory which the British Army had yet won
was that which initiated the final advance.  In spite of all this
success it is to be borne in mind, however, that the Allies had only
reached the old German front line trenches of 1916, which were now a
valuable barrier for the rear of the retreating army.  There was a
pause now while the Fourth Army was waiting for their comrades of the
Third Army on the left to develop their extension of the attack.
Meanwhile many small actions and local advances on Rawlinson's front
kept his opponents from having time to reorganise.  On August 13, as
already mentioned, Americans and Australians advanced the line to the
north of the river along the strip which is bounded upon the left by
the Bray-Corbie Road.  On August 14 the Canadian 7th Brigade took
Parvillers after some very stiff local fighting.  They were driven
out again that night by the heavy concentration of the German
artillery, but next morning, with the co-operation upon their flank
of their comrades of the 9th Brigade, they won it once more.  In this
operation the 52nd Battalion took Damery, while the French carried
the wood to the south of the village.  There was a strong
counter-attack in the afternoon by the German One hundred and
twenty-first Division, but it was beaten back, leaving a number of
prisoners.  About August 20 the Canadians began to slip quietly out
of the line, and were conveyed, unknown to the Germans, to a new
front where they came under the command of General Horne of the First
Army.  Their exploits upon this new stage will be described later.
{42} The French were now on the immediate right of the Australians
until the time came for the advent of the British Ninth Corps.

Amid the tremendous events which followed each other in a stupendous
historical procession during the latter half of 1918 it is hard to
select those which were decisive from those which were merely great.
It may safely be said, however, that three dates stand out as great
military crises--the turn of the tide on July 18, the British advance
on August 8, and the breaking of the Hindenburg Line on September 29.
It has been admitted by General Ludendorff that it was the second of
these which broke the confidence of the German Staff and finally
convinced them that the war must go against them.  A very special
honour rests, therefore, with the three corps, British, Australian,
and Canadian, who brought about this victory, as well as to the
tanks, the cavalry, and the airmen who led or followed the victorious
infantry and the masterful guns during these days of doom.




{43}

CHAPTER III

  CONTINUATION OF THE OPERATIONS OF RAWLINSON'S
  FOURTH ARMY

  From August 22 to the Battle of the Hindenburg
  Line, September 29

Further advance of the Australians--Of the Third Corps--Capture of
Albert--Advance across the old Somme battlefield--Capture of Mont St.
Quentin--Splendid Australian exploit--Fall of Peronne--Debut of the
Yeomanry (Seventy-fourth) Division--Attack on the outliers of the
Hindenburg Line--Appearance of the Ninth Corps--Eve of the Judgment.


We have now reached the date when Byng's Third Army joined in the
fray, and it is necessary to find some means of co-ordinating the
narrative and carrying it on in definite stages.  The next
well-marked crisis which affects each of the armies engaged is the
great general attack on September 29, which broke the Hindenburg
Line.  Therefore, in separate chapters the operations of each army
will be brought up to that date, and then further chapters will cover
the doings of each up to the date of the Armistice.  Since we have
dealt with the Fourth Army, we may as well continue with it now until
we are in close touch with the Hindenburg Line, premising only that
instead of an inert neighbour upon the left we have a very active
advancing British Army.  We shall then go on to the {44} Third and to
the First Armies, and bring each of them in turn up to the same point.

[Sidenote: August 22.]

On August 22 and the following days, the Fourth Army, with only two
Corps--the Third and the Australians--in front, renewed its attack,
greatly strengthened by the movement of the Third Army on its left,
which ensured that at least five British corps were all moving
forward together, distributing the advance over so wide an area that
the Germans were less able to concentrate reserves of men or of guns
at any one point--a result which was much aided by the fine work of
General Mangin's Army on the right.

The main part of the fighting on the front of the Fourth Army on
August 22 was north of the Somme, where the Third Australian Division
covered the right flank of the Third Corps.  On the south of the
river the Australian Corps advanced on a front of 4½ miles, and took
all their limited objectives, which represented a depth of 1½ miles.
This was effected by the Fifth Australian Division on the right and
the Fourth on the left, supported and finally supplanted by the First
Australian and Lambert's Thirty-Second British Divisions, the latter
on the right.  The advance, which began at dawn, was no easy one, as
the country was much cut about with many obstacles, seamed with
trenches, and dotted with scattered woods.  The determined infantry
would take no denial, however, and Herleville, Chuignies, and several
other small village sites were captured.  The heaviest fighting was
in the woods, but a skilful system of encircling points of danger had
been carefully worked out, and the losses were less than might have
been anticipated.  {45} Sixteen guns, 80 officers, and 2463 men were
the trophies of the day.  Early in the morning of August 24 the Third
Australian Division moved suddenly forward north of the river,
captured the town of Bray, and formed a permanent line upon the
further side.  On August 25 this same unit advanced 3000 yards on a
4000-yard front with very little resistance, always covering the
right of the Third Corps.

Let us now follow the work of this Corps from August 22 onwards.

It covered the ground from Albert in the north, where it was working
in close liaison with the Welsh Division on the right of the Fifth
Corps, down to a point near the Somme where it was in touch with the
Australians.  The immediate object of the operations was to eject the
enemy from the positions in and around Albert which he had held for
four months, and also from his whole defensive system opposite to the
Amiens defence line, which latter had been regained in the previous
fighting.  On the day of battle the Forty-seventh London Division was
on the right of the Corps line, the Twelfth Division in the centre,
and the Eighteenth Division on the left.  To this last was confided
the difficult and important operation of clearing Albert, and of
establishing light bridges over the Ancre so as to cross that stream
and attack the high ground east of the town on the Becourt Road.
There was to be no preliminary bombardment, but machine-gun and
artillery barrages were to cover the infantry.

The zero hour was 4.45, and at the signal the Forty-seventh and
Twelfth Divisions advanced behind a creeping barrage, moving at the
rate of 100 yards in four minutes, and as thick as 250 field-guns
could {46} make it.  With such a van of destruction in front the
infantry came forward without undue losses, though a particular
strong point named the Pear Tree just on the interdivisional boundary
held fast and was destined to give trouble for several days to come.
As an observer remarked, "Anything British, from a helmet to a tank,
which showed over the crest was met by the sweeping fire of many
machine-guns, while shells from trench mortars fell in the ranks of
men following up.  It was only when the general attack was continued
that this hornet's nest could be cleared."  Save for this point the
general objectives marked out for these divisions, which meant an
advance of between two and three miles, were successfully made good,
but an attempt to follow up with cavalry and whippet tanks could not
be persevered in, so stiff was the opposition.  It was soon found
that the enemy in the Forty-seventh Division sector was not only
capable of defence, but of aggression, for about 4 in the afternoon
his infantry advanced in a strong attack with a powerful artillery
backing, and drove with such violence into the 22nd, 23rd, and 24th
Londons, forming the 142nd Brigade, that they were temporarily thrown
back.  Their right held firm, however, as did the Third Australian
Division to the south, so that no gap was formed.  Being reinforced
by the 175th Brigade from the Fifty-eighth Division in reserve, the
Londoners soon reformed their ranks, greatly thinned both by their
advance in the morning and by the German onslaught in the afternoon.
The enemy's front was so menacing that the rest of the day and part
of August 23 were spent in reorganisation and consolidation.

Meanwhile on the left, Lee's Eighteenth Division, {47} a famous
all-English unit of the type which, however brilliant its comrades,
has always formed the solid core of the magnificent tireless Imperial
Army, was carrying out its difficult task at Albert.  It had two
brigades in the line, the 54th to the south and the 55th to the north
of the town.  The Germans in front held the line of the Ancre, with
Albert as a bridgehead, the ruins and cellars of the town being sown
with snipers and machine-guns.  To clear the town, to occupy the high
ground to the east, and by these operations to cover the flanks of
two armies was the function of this Division, and also to secure
crossings at Albert by which the Welsh on their left could get across.

The stream in this part was 6 feet deep and 14 wide, with swampy
banks strongly held by the enemy.  There were unguarded bits,
however, and patrols got across on the 21st, which simplified the
task, though it deranged at the last moment all the preparations for
barrage.  Part of the 6th Northamptons and the 11th Royal Fusiliers
crossed early on the 22nd and formed up along the edge of the
Albert-Meaulte Road, while the rest of the 6th Northamptons fought
hard for elbow-room on the right flank, working in close liaison with
the 36th Brigade on the left of the Twelfth Division who were
attacking Meaulte.  About 6 the whole front line advanced in this
quarter, flooding over the scattered German posts, and capturing
eighty machine-guns with their crews.  At the same time the 8th East
Surreys on the left had rushed Albert, and after some fine confused
fighting had cleared the ruins and taken the whole town, with the
river crossings.  The 7th Buffs at once pushed out on the
Albert-Pozières {48} road, but were held up by very heavy fire.  The
11th Royal Fusiliers further south had also been held up by the guns
on the summit of Shamrock Hill, east of the town, but a company of
the 2nd Bedfords, led by Captain Doake, captured this strong point
and the line went forward.  Altogether it was a good day's work, and
save on the extreme left most of the objects were attained at the
cost of reasonable casualties, which included General Sadleir-Jackson
of the 54th Brigade, who was badly wounded in the leg.  The 53rd
Brigade continued their advance up to 10 P.M., so as to gain the high
ground on the Becourt Road, and thus prepare for the next day's
operations.

The 113th Brigade of the Welsh Division on the left had been passed
over by the Albert bridges, and the 53rd had also passed in the
night.  The plan of August 23 was that these two brigades should
attack Usna and Tara Hills respectively, on the high ground to the
west of Becourt Wood.  The Usna attack is described under the
operations of the Fifth Corps.  The Tara attack was completely
successful, and four tanks rendered conspicuous service.  The work
was carried out by the 10th Essex, 7th West Kents, and the 7th
Queen's from the 55th Brigade.  It was a fine military feat, far more
important than 350 prisoners would imply, for it broke the girdle
round Albert and cleared the road for the advance.  No progress was
made at the other portions of the corps front on this date, save for
some advance on the left of the Twelfth Division near Meaulte.

[Sidenote: August 24.]

It had been determined to keep up incessant pressure, and to test
Hindenburg's incautious maxim that the side with the best nerves
would wear down the other.  At 1 A.M. on August 24 the whole line
{49} burst into flame once more, and under a clear moon the Army
rolled forward.  On the right the Forty-seventh Division had ample
revenge for its temporary check, as its 140th, together with the
175th Brigade of the Fifty-eighth Division, Londoners all, swept
across the debated land of the Happy Valley and secured it.  The
Eighteenth Division also made good its objectives, the chief
impediment being the historical mine craters of 1916 at La Boiselle;
250 prisoners were taken out of these by the 8th Royal Berks, a party
of whom under Captain Nicholson, covered by Captain Sutherst's 53rd
Trench Mortar Battery, cleared up this difficult point.  In the
morning the Eighteenth Division was well to the east of Becourt.  The
only check was in the centre, where the general advance of the
Twelfth Division was still held up by that Pear Tree strong point
which had already caused so much trouble.  Before evening, however,
it was clear that the enemy was effecting a general retreat, and the
37th Brigade was able to take possession of this very well defended
portion of the ridge.

[Sidenote: August 25.]

It was clear now that the German front was crumbling, and the whole
British line was pushing ahead.  The chief obstacle on the morning of
August 25 came from an all-pervading mist.  There was no check,
however, anywhere in the advance up to 2 P.M., when the general line
of the front was up to Mametz.  The hardest fighting of the day was
done at Billon Wood by the 173rd Brigade, all three battalions, the
2/2nd, 3rd, and 2/4th London, having real hard work, and standing to
it like men.  The place was strongly held with powerful artillery
support, but it had been cleared before nightfall.  By the same hour
the Twelfth Division was east of Mametz, and the 8th {50} East
Surreys were on the far side of Mametz Wood.  As these familiar
places came once more into their possession the troops felt that the
tide had indeed turned.  On August 26 the Eighteenth Division had
cleared the ruins of Montauban, and the Twelfth, Carnoy, while the
Fifty-eighth pushed on from Billon Wood, and wound up within a few
hundred yards of Maricourt.  This village was passed the next day,
and altogether, on August 27 and 28, another three miles were added
to the advance of the Twelfth and Fifty-eighth Divisions, the
progress never ceasing, but being continually accompanied by fighting
and maintained always against severe artillery fire.  The Germans had
thrown in three fresh divisions upon this front and the resistance
was still very stiff.

[Sidenote: August 26-28.]

This was especially evident at Trones Wood, which was carried for the
second time in this way by the Eighteenth Division on August 27.
This fine assault was made by the 8th Berks and 7th West Kents, who
carried it out with both flanks open to the enemy since the Welsh had
been held in front of Delville.  So heavy were the losses that the
Berkshires were in danger of not being strong enough to hold what
they had gained, so the 10th Essex were pushed into the fight.  At 8
A.M. on August 27 a German Guards battalion drove through Trones Wood
and pushed out the British stormers, but they held on by their teeth
to the eastern edge of Bernafoy Wood.  Here General Barker of the
53rd Brigade reorganised his very weary ranks, which had been greatly
mixed in the advance and retreat.  Just as evening was falling the
remains of the gallant brigade darted forward once more and came to
grips with the Francis Joseph Prussian Guards, who lay with many a
machine-gun {51} among the brushwood.  Led by Colonel Banks of the
8th Berkshires, the English infantry rushed into the wood and poured
over the German position, taking forty machine-guns and completely
overcoming the resistance.  It was a fine exploit, and when the 53rd
Brigade gave place to the 54th on the morning of August 28 they
handed over to them the whole of this terrible grove, which has been
so drenched by the bravest blood of two great nations.  There was no
further action in this quarter on August 28, but on the 29th the 54th
Brigade, now under Colonel Perceval, was heavily engaged.  Guillemont
was passed, though no trace of this large village could be
distinguished, and all day the 2nd Bedfords on the left and the 6th
Northants on the right were working forward across the grim old
battlefield.  On August 28 the Twelfth Division took Hardecourt, and
General Higginson, who may well have been disturbed by the constant
flow of youngsters into his ranks to take the place of his disabled
veterans, must have had his fears removed and his heart gladdened by
the splendid conduct that day of 250 men of the 9th Royal Fusiliers
under Colonel Van Someren, none of whom had been in France more than
three weeks.  On August 30 a great centre of German resistance was
Priez Farm, which held up the 11th Royal Fusiliers, and also the
Forty-seventh Division which had taken the place of the Twelfth in
the centre of the corps.  The enemy was clinging hard to Morval, also
in the Welsh area, and this made any advance on the front of the
Eighteenth Division impossible.  It was clear that a regular battle
with artillery preparation was needed, and this was arranged for
September 1.  The right wing of the corps had in the meantime got to
{52} the line of Maurepas, and on August 31 the Forty-seventh
Division in the centre made a good advance up to Long Wood with a
number of prisoners to show for it.  The Fifty-eighth Division closed
in upon Marrières Wood, which they took after some heavy fighting,
avenging the brave South Africans who had died so gallantly there
five months before.  It was clear that the enemy were now standing in
a strong line, and were by no means beaten, which was shown also by
the bearing of the prisoners, whose morale was high, and who spoke
with as much pride and assurance as ever of the ultimate military
success of their country.  Yet during the last week they had been
steadily driven back some 3000 yards every day by the remorseless
barrage of the British guns followed by the disciplined rush of the
British infantry.

[Sidenote: August 26-31.]

We shall now leave the Third Corps for a time at this line of fixed
resistance and return to consider the advance of the Australians to
the south.  This had been victorious and unbroken, though no very
serious resistance had to be overcome.  Smoke by day and fire by
night, with explosions at all hours, heralded the German retreat.  On
August 26 Cappy was occupied.  On the 27th Vaux Wood was occupied
north of the river, while Foucaucourt and Vermandovillers were
submerged to the south, villages no longer, but at least marks of
progress upon the map.  On the 28th the Germans were still retreating
with the toes of the Australians upon their very heels, but the
heavier shelling warned General Monash that there was a fixed line
ahead, as might well be expected, since his men were now nearing the
point where the bend of the Somme brought the river right across
their front.  Dompierre, Fay, Estrées, and other old centres of {53}
contention were taken that day.  On the 29th the 3rd Australians got
Hem, while on the south the rest of the corps advanced 2000 yards to
the bank of the river, taking the whole line of villages from Biaches
to Villers-Carbonnel.  The task of capturing such places was much
complicated by the difficulty of knowing where they were after you
had got them.  The present writer was in Carbonnel, which was a
considerable place, some weeks later, and was unable to find any
trace of habitation save a signboard upon which was printed the
words: "Here was the village of Villers-Carbonnel."

At the end of August the resistance had stiffened, and it was clear
that the Germans meant to take advantage of the unique situation of
Peronne in order to make it a strong centre of resistance.  To the
civilian observer it would have seemed that such a place was
impregnable against assault, for it is girt in with reedy marshes on
the west, and with a moat on the north, while the south is defended
by the broad river, even as in the days when Quentin Durward formed
part of the garrison.  Yet the Australians took it in their stride by
a mixture of cleverness and valour which must have greatly rejoiced
General Rawlinson, who saw so formidable an obstacle removed from his
path.  As a preliminary operation the Third Australian Division had
taken Clery in the north, which they held against a vigorous
counter-attack on September 30.  Halles was afterwards captured.  The
question now was how to approach the town.  Immediately to the north
of it there lies a formidable hill, well marked, though of no great
height.  This place, which is called Mont St. Quentin, commanded all
approaches to the town as well as {54} the town itself.  The Germans
had recognised the importance of the position and had garrisoned it
with picked troops with many machine-guns.  Standing upon its pitted
crest, where one is often ankle-deep in empty cartridges, one cannot
imagine as one looks west how a rabbit could get across unscathed.
This was the formidable obstacle which now faced the Australians.

[Sidenote: August 31.]

They went at it without a pause and with characteristic earnestness
and directness, controlled by very skilful leadership.  Two brigades,
the 5th and 6th of Rosenthal's Second Australian Division, had been
assembled on the north of the Somme bend, the men passing in single
file over hastily constructed foot-bridges.  By this means they had
turned the impassable water defences which lie on the westward side
of Peronne, but they were faced by a terrible bit of country, seamed
with trenches, jagged with wire, and rising to the village of St.
Quentin, which is a little place on the flank of the hill.  The hill
itself is crowned by a ragged wood some acres in extent.  Mont St.
Quentin lies about equidistant, a mile or so, from Peronne in the
south, and from the hamlet of Feuillaucourt in the north.  On this
front of two miles the action was fought.

Early in the morning of August 31 the 5th Brigade, under General
Martin, advanced upon the German position.  The 17th Battalion was in
the centre opposite to Mont St. Quentin.  The 19th was on the right
covering the ground between that stronghold and Peronne, the 20th on
the left, extending up to Feuillaucourt, with that village as one of
its objectives.  The 18th was in close support.  A very heavy and
efficient artillery bombardment had prepared the {55} way for the
infantry assault, but the defending troops were as good as any which
Germany possessed, and had endured the heavy fire with unshaken
fortitude, knowing that their turn would come.

From the moment that the infantry began to close in on the German
positions the battle became very bitter and the losses very serious.
The 19th Battalion on the right were scourged with fire from the old
fortified walls of Peronne, from St. Denis, a hamlet north of the
town, and from scattered woods which faced them.  Every kind of
missile, including pineapple-bombs and rifle-grenades, poured down
upon them.  The long thin line carried on bravely, halted, carried on
once more, and finally sank down under such poor cover as could be
found, sending back a message that further artillery bombardment was
a necessity.  On the left of the attack the 20th Battalion seems to
have had a less formidable line before it, and advancing with great
speed and resolution, it seized the village of Feuillaucourt.  In the
centre, however, a concentration of fire beat upon the 17th
Battalion, which was right under the guns of Mont St. Quentin.
Working on in little groups of men, waiting, watching, darting
forward, crouching down, crawling, so the scattered line gradually
closed with its enemy, presenting a supreme object lesson of that
individual intelligence and character which have made the Australian
soldier what he is.  A little after 7 o'clock in the morning the
survivors of two companies drew together for the final rush, and
darted into the village of Mont St. Quentin, throwing out a line of
riflemen upon the far side of it.  On that far side lay the
culminating slope of the hill crowned with the dark ragged trees,
their trunks linked up with abattis, {56} laced with wire, and
covering machine-guns.  The place was still full of Germans and they
had strong reserves on the further side of the hill.

The 17th had reached their goal, but their situation was very
desperate.  Their right was bent back and was in precarious contact
with the 19th Battalion.  Their left flank had lost all touch.  They
were a mere thin fringe of men with nothing immediately behind them.
Two companies of the supporting battalion had already been sent up to
stiffen the line of the 19th Battalion, and the remaining two
companies were now ordered forward to fill the gap between the 17th
and 20th.  Not a rifle was left in reserve, and the whole strength of
the Brigade was in the firing-line.  It was no time for hedging, for
everything was at stake.

But the pressure was too severe to last.  The Australian line could
not be broken, but there comes a point when it must bend or perish.
The German pressure from the wood was ever heavier upon the thin
ranks in front of it.  A rush of grey infantry came down the hill,
with showers of bombs in front of them.  One of the companies in the
village had lost every officer.  The fire was murderous.  Guns firing
over open sights had been brought up on the north of the village, and
were sending their shells through the ruined houses.  Slowly the
Australians loosened their clutch upon their prize and fell back to
the west of the village, dropping down in the broken ground on the
other side of the main Peronne Road, and beating back five bombing
attacks which had followed them up.  Still the fire was murderous,
and the pressure very heavy, so that once more, by twos and threes,
the survivors fell back 250 yards west of the road, where again they
lay down, counting {57} their dwindling cartridges, and dwelling upon
their aim, as the grey crouching figures came stealthily forward.
The attack was at an end.  It had done splendidly, and it had failed.
But the scattered survivors of the 5th Brigade still held on with
grim tenacity, certain that their comrades behind would never let
them down.

[Sidenote: September 1.]

All night there was spasmodic fighting, the Germans pushing their
counter-attack until the two lines were interlocked and the leading
groups of the 5th Brigade were entirely cut off.  In some places the
more forward Germans finding a blank space--and there were many--had
pushed on until they were 500 yards west of the general line of the
5th Brigade.  Thus when Robertson's 6th Brigade attacked at an early
hour of September 1, they came on German infantry posts before they
connected up with the main line of their own comrades.  Their advance
had been preceded by a crashing bombardment from everything which
would throw a projectile, so that the crest of the hill was fairly
swept with bullets and shells.  Then forward went the line, the 23rd
Battalion on the right, the 24th on the left, 21st and 22nd in
support.  From the start the fire was heavy, but all opposition was
trampled down, until the two leading battalions were abreast of the
hill.  Then once more that terrible fire brought them to a halt.  The
23rd on the right was held by the same crossfire which had beaten
upon the 19th the day before.  Its losses were heavy.  The 24th got
forward to Feuillaucourt and then, having occupied it, turned to the
right and endeavoured to work down to Mont St. Quentin from the
north.  But the fire was too murderous and the advance was stopped.
Other {58} elements were coming into action, however, which would
prevent the whole German effort being concentrated upon the defence
of the one position.  In the north the 10th Brigade of the Third
Australian Division, with the 229th British Yeomanry Brigade upon
their left, were swinging round and threatening to cut in on the
German flank and rear.  In the south the 14th Australian Brigade of
the Fifth Division was advancing straight upon the town of Peronne,
attacking from the south and east simultaneously.  But even now the
nut was too hard for the crackers.  The British and the 10th
Australian Brigades were fighting their way round in the north and
constant progress was being made in that indirect pressure.  But the
6th Brigade after its splendid advance was held up, and old Peronne,
spitting fire from its ancient walls, was still keeping the 14th
Brigade at a distance.  At 8 o'clock the attack had again failed.
Orders were then given for the reorganisation of the troops and for a
renewed effort at half-past one.  The artillery had been brought up
and reinforced, so that it now fairly scalped the hill.  At the hour
named the direct advance of the 6th Brigade was resumed, the fresh
21st Battalion being pushed into the centre, between the 23rd and
24th which had both suffered severely in the morning.  This time
General Rosenthal was justified of his perseverance.  At the signal
the troops poured forward and under a hail of bullets seized the
ruins of the village once more, streaming out at the further side and
falling into a long skirmish line on the western edge of the wood.
The brave German defenders were still unabashed and the losses were
so heavy that the wood could not instantly be carried, but the
position was consolidated and held, with the {59} absolute certainty
that such close grips in front with the threatening movements upon
his flank must drive him from the hill.  So it proved, for when on
the morning of September 2 the 7th Brigade passed over the fatal
plain, which was sown with the bodies of their comrades, they went
through the village and on past the wood with little opposition,
forming up at last in a defensive line facing south-east, while the
Fifth Division on the south drove home its attack upon Peronne, where
the defence was already hopelessly compromised by the various
movements to the north.

Thus fell Mont St. Quentin, and as a consequence Peronne.  Sir Henry
Rawlinson in his official dispatch remarked that he was "filled with
admiration for the surpassing daring" of the troops who had taken a
position of the greatest "natural strength and eminent tactical
value."  Men of the Second Guards Division and of four other German
Divisions were found among the prisoners.  The Australian exploit may
be said to have been of a peculiarly national character, as there was
not one of the Australian communities--Victoria, New South Wales,
Queensland, West Australia, Tasmania--which did not play some
honourable part in the battle.

Passing northward from the victorious Australians, September 1 saw
the attack carried all along the line, the 3rd Corps advancing upon
Rancourt, Priez Farm, and the line to Bouchavesnes.  On the left the
hard-worked 54th and 55th Brigades did splendidly, especially the 8th
East Surrey under Colonel Irwin.  Surrey men and Germans lay thick
round Priez Farm, but this key-position remained in the hands of the
English, after a very bitter struggle.  The 7th Queen's {60} took
Fregicourt, while the 7th West Kents helped the Welshmen at
Sailly-Sallisel.  The trench mortar batteries, pushing right up
regardless of all risk and smothering the German strong points by
their concentrated fire, did great work in these operations,
especially the 142nd T.M. Battery near Priez Farm.  All these various
advances were as remarkable for their tactical skill as for the
valour shown by all ranks.  The latter had been a constant asset, but
the former grew with time.

[Sidenote: Sept. 1, 2.]

Meanwhile the Forty-seventh and Fifty-eighth Divisions had each done
splendidly and secured their objectives, including Rancourt and
Bouchavesnes.  The main road from Bapaume to Peronne had been passed
and the whole of the old Somme battlefield been cleared in this
direction.  Prisoners were taken from four different divisions in the
course of the fight.  It had taken four months' fighting in 1916 to
conquer the ground which had been now cleared by the Fifth and Third
Corps inside of ten days.

The advance was continued on September 2, as it was argued that
however exhausted the victors might be the vanquished would surely be
even more so.  A new actor made a first appearance in the greatest of
all dramas about this time, for the Seventy-fourth Division, which
had done good service in Palestine under General Girdwood, made its
first attack in a European line of battle.  This unit was originally
composed entirely of Yeomanry, and it had still retained a large
proportion of this splendid material in the ranks, with a broken spur
as their witty and picturesque divisional emblem.  The tale of the
British Yeomanry in the East is one which will be among the most
romantic in the war; and the {61} way in which farmers' sons from
Dorset or Fife charged with cold steel and rode down the Eastern
cavalry or broke the ranks of the Turkish infantry is as fantastic an
incident as the mind of a prophetic novelist could have furnished.
Indeed it may be said generally that none of the many imaginary
forecasts of the coming war equalled the reality in the broad sweep
of its incidents and the grotesque combinations which ensued.

The Seventy-fourth had now taken over from the Fifty-eighth Division.
They were pushed at once into heavy fighting, advancing rapidly down
the western slope of the Tortille valley, through Moislains, and over
the canal.  In their eager zeal they had not mopped up sufficiently,
and they soon found themselves under a fire from front and rear which
no troops could endure.  They were driven back to near the point from
which they started and their losses were considerable.  The
Australians formed a defensive flank on the south, and the
Forty-seventh on the north, and a line of resistance was built up
between them from Haut Allaines on the right to the western bank of
the Tortille.  The Yeomanry had before evening endured a very
terrible welcome to the Western front.

The Eighteenth Division on the left had also had some severe fighting
which fell chiefly upon the depleted 53rd Brigade.  It secured the
high ground in the north of St. Pierre Vaast Wood, the whole of which
was cleared by the 8th Berkshires.  On September 3 and 4 the division
continued to advance across the canal and the Tortille upon the line
of Nurlu.  On the evening of September 4 its long term of hard and
glorious service was ended and the {62} Twelfth Division took its
place.  Its losses had been 2700, while it had captured during the
battle some 1800 prisoners and many guns.

[Sidenote: Sept. 2-10.]

From this date until September 10, which saw them in front of the
outposts of the Hindenburg Line, the record of the Third Corps was
one of steady and uninterrupted progress.  The German machine-guns
were now, as always, a cause of constant worry, loss, and delay, but
the remorseless drive of the British infantry was for ever beating in
the obstinate rearguards.  September 6 marked an advance of nearly
three miles along the whole Corps front, the Twelfth, Forty-seventh,
and Seventy-fourth moving in line and flooding over the village sites
of Nurlu, Templeux, Driencourt, and Longavesnes.  The work of Owen's
35th Brigade at Nurlu was particularly trying, for it was held up by
wire and machine-guns, the 7th Sussex, 7th Norfolks, and 9th Essex
all losing heavily in some very desperate fighting which gave little
result.  Finally, on September 6, the 1st Cambridge and 5th
Berkshires reinforced the troops already mentioned and, under a
renewed barrage, they broke the line and carried the position.  On
this date the Forty-seventh Londoners, who had done such solid work,
were ordered off to join another corps, the Fifty-eighth moving up
once more to take their place.

On September 7 the weather, which had been excellent since August 22,
broke badly, but the Corps improved its position in spite of wind and
rain, closing up to what was known to be the German fixed position.
On the 8th both Epéhy and Peizières were touched, but the Germans
were fairly at bay now, and instant counter-attacks showed that their
resistance would be serious.  The final position was about 1000 yards
{63} west of these villages.  The Fifty-eighth Division on September
10 endeavoured to gain more ground in this quarter, but neither they
nor the Seventy-fourth upon their right could make any impression
upon the strong German line.  There was a definite pause, therefore,
while tanks, guns, and all other appliances for a serious assault
upon a fortified position were hurried to the front.  On this date,
September 12, General Butler was able to resume his command of the
Third Corps, while General Godley, after his term of brilliant
service, returned to his own unit, the Twenty-second Corps.

We must now return to the Australian Corps on the right, whom we left
in the flush of victory after their fine conquest of Peronne.  Up to
the end of August, Monash and his men had accounted for 14,500
prisoners and 170 guns since the beginning of the advance.  On
September 1, as already mentioned.  Peronne had been penetrated by
the Fifth Australian Division, but after the fall of Mont St.
Quentin, and the failure of their efforts at recovery, the Germans
must have seen that it was hopeless to hold the place, so that the
stormers were eventually only faced by a rearguard of stalwarts.
Anvil Wood to the north-east was taken on the same day.  The order of
the Divisions upon the Australian front at this time was that the
Third was on the extreme left, acting with the Third Corps, the
Second was just north of Peronne, the Fifth was opposite to Peronne,
and the Thirty-second British Division was on the extreme right, near
Brie and St. Christ, in touch with the French.

Early in the morning of September 2 Rosenthal's indefatigable Second
Division continued to advance {64} from Mont St. Quentin, attacking
to the north-east so as to get possession of the high ground
south-west of Aizecourt.  They attained their objectives and formed a
flank along the spur from Mont St. Quentin to Aizecourt in order to
protect the Third Corps in the difficult operations already
described.  By this movement to the north the Second Australian got
in front of the Third Australian Division, which was crowded out of
the line, all but two battalions.  The Fifth Australians spent the
day in clearing up Peronne.  Altogether some 500 additional prisoners
fell into their hands during the day.

[Sidenote: Sept. 5-12.]

There was some readjustment and reorganisation necessary after this
strenuous work, but by September 5 the advance was going forward
again and Flamicourt was taken.  It is an open rolling country of
large horizons, and the Germans were slowly retreating with strong
rearguards.  Doingt, Le Mesnil, and the river crossings of Brie and
St. Christ were all occupied, though the latter cost a severe fight,
with 150 prisoners as trophies.  On the 6th and 7th the Corps were
sweeping on with their own 13th Australian Light Horse doing the
cavalry work in front of them, fit representatives of those splendid
horsemen who have left an enduring reputation in Egypt and Palestine.
Late in the afternoon of September 7 the Corps front crossed the
railway between Vermand and Vendelles, and began to approach the
historic point which had marked the British line before March 21.  On
September 10 Strickland's First British Division arrived in this
area, and with the Thirty-second Division and some other units began
to form the nucleus of another Corps, the Ninth, which should operate
under General Braithwaite to the right of the {65} Australians.  On
the 12th the Australians took Jeancourt, and were in touch with the
outlying defences of the great Hindenburg Line, which they at once
proceeded to attack.  On September 13 there was a sharp fight round
Le Verguier, and an advance all along the line in which the
objectives were taken and the tanks did some particularly fine work.
Tanks and barrages that day combined to keep the Australian losses at
a very low figure, and yet some 40 guns and 4500 prisoners had been
taken before next morning.  The First Australian Division on the left
secured all the front defences which guarded the main Hindenburg
position, while the Fourth on the right worked its way well forward,
though hardly level with its neighbours.  The Ninth Corps on the
right had also come on, though it was also rather behind the
Australians.  The average advance of the latter amounted to three
miles in depth on a four-mile front.

Nothing could be more in-and-out than the German fighting during all
this stage of the war.  Sometimes their conduct was heroic in the
extreme, sometimes it was exceedingly cowardly and slack.  The
observer could not but recall the famous description which an
American General of old gave of his militia when he said with native
raciness that "they either fought like the devil or ran like hell."
The machine-gunners were usually, however, in the former category,
and they, with the heavy guns, represented the real resistance, while
the infantry only needed to be reached--in some cases not even
that--to throw up their hands and come over as joyful captives.
There were already two Germans in British hands for every Briton in
Germany, in spite of the heavy losses in March and April.

{66}

[Sidenote: Sept. 18.]

Returning to the Third Corps, which we left in front of the
Hindenburg system in the second week of September in the Epéhy
district.  The obstacle in front of the British was very formidable,
for it consisted of their own old trench lines of March, with the
Hindenburg system behind them.  They had now reached the former
British reserve line which had Ronssoy, Lempire, Epéhy, and Peizières
as _points d'appui_.  It was a front so strong that in March it is
doubtful if the Germans could have carried it had the line not given
way elsewhere.  It was particularly necessary that the enemy should
hold on to this stretch, because it covered the point where the great
Canal du Nord ran under a tunnel for six miles between Bellicourt and
Vandhuile--the only place where tanks could be used for an advance.
The Germans had therefore massed strong forces here, including their
famous Alpine Corps.

The first task of the Third Corps was to get possession of the old
British line in front of it, whence observation could be got of the
Hindenburg position.  This attack would form part of a general
movement by the two southern Corps of the Third Army, the three Corps
of the Fourth Army, and the northern portion of the First French
Army.  On that great day of battle, September 18, there was a
universal advance along the line, which was carried out in the case
of the Third Corps by the Seventy-fourth Division (Girdwood) on the
right, the Eighteenth (Lee) right centre, the Twelfth (Higginson)
left centre, and the Fifty-eighth Division left.  Many of the
characteristics of old trench warfare had come back into the battle,
which was no longer open fighting, but is to be conceived as an
attack upon innumerable scattered {67} trenches and posts very
strongly held by the Germans, and their ultimate reduction by
independent platoons and companies acting under their own regimental
officers.

The advance was at 5.20 in the morning, with a thick mist and driving
rain to cover, and also to confuse, the movement.  The Yeomen of the
Seventy-fourth upon the right came away in excellent style, keeping
in close touch with the Australian left, and were soon in possession
of the Templeux quarries, a very formidable position.  At the other
end of the line a brigade of the Fifty-eighth Londoners did
excellently well, and by 10 o'clock had a good grip upon the village
of Peizières.  In the centre, however, the resistance was very stiff
and the losses heavy.  None the less the Eighteenth Division, which
has always been a particularly difficult unit to stop, made their way
through Ronssoy and Lempire.  The Eighteenth Division did wonderful
work that day, and though nominally only the 54th and 55th Brigades
were engaged, they were each strengthened by a battalion from the
spare brigade.  There were particular difficulties in the path of the
55th Brigade, but General Wood personally accompanied the leading
battalion and so kept in touch with the situation, varying his
activities by throwing bricks and old boots down a German dug-out,
and so bringing out 20 prisoners as his own personal take.  He was
wounded in the course of the day.  Ronssoy, which fell to the 55th
Brigade, was held by the Alexander Regiment of Prussian Guards,
several hundred samples being taken for the British cages.  The
taking of Lempire, carried out mainly by the 11th Royal Fusiliers,
was also a very gallant affair, though it was a day or two before it
{68} was completely in British possession.  The Twelfth, which is
also an all-English division with a splendid fighting record, was
held for a time before Epéhy, but would take no denial, and after
heavy losses and severe g fighting was east of that village by 11
o'clock.  Thus by midday the whole line of villages was in the hands
of General Butler's Corps.  The left was out of touch with the Fifth
Corps, but all else was in perfect order.  These positions were full
of wire and concrete, and were defended by the hardy German Alpine
Corps who fought to the death, so that the achievement was a great
one.

All four divisions endeavoured to improve their positions in the
afternoon, but they had no great success.  The Seventy-fourth
Division did the best, as on the right it was able to secure
Benjamin's Post, but on the left it was held up by the general
stagnation of the line.  The centre divisions met a German
counter-attack delivered by the Hundred and twenty-first Division,
who had been rushed up in buses from Maretz, and this they entirely
dispersed, but neither they nor the Fifty-eighth on the left were
able to make any notable advance.

[Sidenote: Sept. 21.]

The troops were now faced by a perfect warren of trenches and posts
which were held with great gallantry by the Alpine Corps.  There was
no rest for the British, and the night of the 18/19th was spent by
the same men who had been fighting all day in bombing up the trenches
and endeavouring to enlarge their gains.  The same sort of fighting,
carried on by small groups of determined men led by subalterns or
non-commissioned officers, and faced by other small groups equally
determined, went on along the whole line during September 19 and 20.
{69} In those two days the advance went steadily on, in spite of many
a local rebuff and many a temporary check.  On September 21 the
battle was renewed still in the same fashion with heavy losses upon
both sides.  At one time the steady flow of the British tide turned
for a time to an ebb, as a very strong German counter-attack came
rolling into it, and swept it back along the whole front from the
positions which it had overflowed in the morning.  The Seventy-fourth
was forced out of Quinnemont Farm, the Eighteenth out of Doleful
Post, the Twelfth were checked at Bird Trench, while the
Fifty-eighth, intermingled with men from the right wing of the Fifth
Corps, could not get past Kildare Avenue.  These fanciful names,
unseen on any save a large-scale trench map, bulked large in this
bloody battle, for they were master points which controlled the
ground around.  The sun set with the Germans in the ascendant, and
the British clawing desperately at a series of posts and farms which
they could just hold against very heavy pressure.  One of the most
severe engagements was that of the 10th Essex of the 53rd Brigade
when they attempted the Knoll, a position from which the whole
Hindenburg Line would have been exposed.  It was said by experienced
soldiers that more severe machine-gun fire had seldom been seen than
on this occasion, and the tanks engaged were unable to use their own
guns, so thick were the driving storms of bullets which beat upon
their iron sides and searched every aperture.  The Essex men lost
heavily, and the Knoll was not taken.  This and the other posts
mentioned above were the cause of much trouble to the Americans on
September 27.

[Sidenote: Sept. 22.]

It was a disappointing day, but the British soldiers, {70} dog-weary
as they were, were in no mood to leave matters undecided.  The
operations must be carried to a successful end.  "Hard pounding,
gentlemen," as the great Duke said, "but we shall see who can pound
longest!"  Just after midnight the tired ranks were stumbling forward
once more, determined to have those posts back if human resolution
could win them.  They had their reward, and it was a conspicuous
illustration of the maxim that, however weary you may be, the enemy
may be even more so.  Before the full light of morning half the line
of posts was in the hands of the persevering British.  The capture of
Bracton Post by Colonel Dawson's 6th West Kents was a particularly
brilliant bit of work.  The success stretched along the whole Corps
front, and though the afternoon of September 22 saw a whole series of
counter-attacks, especially upon the Seventy-fourth and Eighteenth
Divisions, there was no weakening of the new line.  One German
battalion engaged in these counter-attacks was literally annihilated
as a barrage fell behind them through which they could not retire.
It is on record that in spite of the very arduous service the spirits
and morale of the men were never higher.  Twice after a German
repulse the men of the 6th Northants and 11th Royal Fusiliers could
not be held back from jumping out of the trenches and tearing after
them, while a stretcher-bearer was observed to run up and down the
parados of the trench throwing cartridges down to the defenders and
shouting, "Shoot, boys, shoot!"

By September 23 the Third Corps had gained most of those posts which
had been its objectives on September 18, and if the battle took
longer than had been anticipated it was all the greater drain upon
{71} the worn resources of the Germans.  They were still intent upon
making machines do the work of men, and it was no unusual thing to
take about as many machine-guns as prisoners in some of their posts,
The situation was still not quite clear on the left, where the right
flank of the Fifth Corps was engaged in severe local fighting in the
neighbourhood of Kildare and Limerick Post.  The Egg Post on the
front of the Eighteenth Division had also been able to maintain
itself in the German line.  These various isolated strong points were
the same which had held out with such unavailing gallantry on March
21, when, instead of forming the German rear, they were the extreme
outliers of Gough's Army.

Whilst the Third Corps on the left of the Fourth Army had been
gradually fighting its way forward from September 18 onwards, beating
down one after the other the outposts and obstacles which, like the
moraine before a glacier, formed a rugged line in front of the great
main Hindenburg system, Sir John Monash and his men were keeping pace
with them, step by step, on their right, the First Australian
Division being in close liaison on September 18 with the
Seventy-fourth Yeomanry.  Many a separate volume will be written upon
the exploits of our Australian brothers, and General Monash has
himself written a record of their last glorious hundred days, so that
the chronicler has the less compunction if he is not always able to
give the amount of detail which he would desire.

[Sidenote: Sept. 18.]

At 5.20 on September 18 the Australians went forward with a rapidity
which seems to have completely taken aback the German defenders, who
in many cases ran from their guns, or threw up their {72} hands in
detachments, when they saw the active figures of the infantrymen
springing eagerly forward behind the line of tanks.  The weather was
bad, the ground slippery with rain, and the attack expected, but none
of these factors interfered with the result.  The First Australians,
as stated, were in the line on the left, the 1st and 3rd Brigades in
the van, while on the right were the 4th and 12th Brigades of the
Fourth Australian Division in close touch with the British First
Division on their right.  By midday everything had gone down before
them, and the measure of their success was the 146 officers and 3900
men with 77 guns which formed their trophies before evening.  On one
side they had reached Le Verguier, and on the other they were past
Templeux.  A minefield containing thirty-five mines was found in
front of the Fourth Australian Division, another instance of the fact
that the tanks had brought a nautical element into warfare.  The
Australian casualties were surprisingly light considering their
splendid results, for they did not amount to more than a thousand men.

Some description must now be given of the work of the Ninth Corps,
which had assembled under General Braithwaite on the extreme right of
the British Army and which first came into action on September 18 in
this hard fight for the Hindenburg Outpost Line.  The Corps consisted
at this time of three divisions, the First, Sixth, and Thirty-second,
under Strickland, Marden, and Lambert.  On September 18 the Corps
attacked with the Sixth Division in touch with the French on the
right, and the First Division with the Fourth Australians on the
left.  The order of brigades {73} from the right was 71, 16, 1, and
2.  It was known that two German divisions, the Seventy-ninth and
Twenty-fifth, with two others in reserve, were lying opposite behind
strong defences, so that a hard battle might well be expected.

The Thirty-fourth French Division on the immediate right brought off
a very useful and successful coup on September 17 by capturing Round
Hill and part of Savy Wood, which reassured General Marden as to the
safety of his right flank.  This division appeared to have the more
difficult task as Badger Copse, the village of Fresnoy, and part of
the very strong system known as the Quadrilateral came within their
area.

The attack went forward under pelting rain at 5.20 in the morning of
September 18.  Following the operations from the north we have to
deal first with the 2nd Brigade on the flank.  The left-hand
battalion, the 2nd Sussex, kept up with the Australians, who had
advanced without a check and carried every obstacle.  The 2nd King's
Royal Rifles, on the other hand, had lost direction and, wandering
too far south across the face of their neighbours, found themselves
mixed up with the Sixth Division in its fruitless attempt upon the
powerfully defended village of Fresnoy.  The 1st Brigade, to the
south, was led by the 1st Camerons and the 1st Loyal North
Lancashires.  The former stormed on, breaking through all opposition
and throwing out defensive flanks as their valour carried them ahead
of the line.  Meanwhile the failure of the Sixth Division to take
Fresnoy made it impossible to pass along the valley which is
overlooked by that village, so that the right of the First Division
was entirely hung up.  On the {74} other hand, the 2nd King's Royal
Rifles recovered their bearings as the day went on, and fought their
way up the right side of the Omignon valley in splendid style until
they were in touch with the 2nd Sussex on the northern slope.  In the
south, however, the task of the Sixth Division continued to be a very
hard one, and the Seventy-ninth German Division resisted with great
determination.  The Quadrilateral consisted of a system of trenches
sited on the highest part of the plateau between Holnon and Fayet,
its northern face at this time forming part of the German front line.
This proved to be an exceedingly difficult work to silence, as
reinforcements could be dribbled up through cleverly concealed
communication trenches.  In spite of everything, however, the 71st
Brigade and their French neighbours captured Holnon village and the
western edge of the Quadrilateral by 8 A.M.  The main body of the
work was not yet taken, however, so the East Anglians of the 71st
Brigade had to form a defensive line facing towards it and the
village of Selency, to meet any counter-attack which might sweep up
against the flank of the Corps.  The left of the line then got
forward in safety, and the 2nd Brigade was able to report at noon
that both they and the Fourth Australians were on their extreme
objective.  Indeed the latter, having completely crumpled up the One
hundred and nineteenth German Division, were now considerably ahead
of the allotted line.

Berthaucourt had been captured by the First Division, but progress in
the Fresnoy direction was still very slow.  About 3.30 P.M. hostile
counter-attacks were launched south of Berthaucourt and opposite
Fresnoy.  These were repulsed by steady {75} rifle-fire, but the
general situation was still obscure.  All the afternoon there was
very heavy fighting on the front of the Sixth Division, especially
east of Holnon village, and on the west side of the Quadrilateral.
The French had been held up on the right.  So matters remained until
evening.  It had been a day of hard work and varying success on this
portion of the line, but the capture of 18 officers and 541 men with
8 field-guns showed that some advance had been made.  It was short,
however, of what had been hoped.

[Sidenote: Sept. 19.]

The next morning saw the battle renewed.  The neighbourhood of
Fresnoy and of the Quadrilateral was now more strongly held than
ever, the Germans being encouraged, no doubt, by their successful
defence of the day before.  The fighting during this day was
desultory, and no particular advance was made by either division.  In
the south the French failed to capture Manchester Hill, which was an
ugly menace to the right flank of the Ninth Corps.

The Forty-sixth Division (Boyd) had been added to the strength of the
Ninth Corps, and when this welcome addition had been put in upon the
left wing it enabled the others to contract their front and thicken
their array.  At 7 P.M. on September 22 the Germans attacked the
Forty-sixth Division in its new position, just east of Berthaucourt,
but they were driven back after a slight initial success.

There was a fresh attack on September 24 in which the Ninth Corps
co-operated with the Thirty-sixth Corps on its right, in order to try
and overcome the German strongholds on the right of their front which
were holding them off from the Hindenburg Line.  The order of the
British line was that {76} the Sixth Division was on the right, the
First in the centre, and the Forty-sixth on the left.

[Sidenote: Sept. 24.]

Although this attack, which was launched at 5 A.M., was expected by
the enemy, good progress was made along the whole front.  The
Quadrilateral again proved, however, that it was a very formidable
obstacle, and there was stout resistance from Pontruet village, just
east of Berthaucourt.  The Sixth Division had closed in on the
Quadrilateral from north, west, and south, and were at close grips
with it at all three quarters.  There was continuous bomb-fighting
all day in this neighbourhood, but the situation was still obscure,
and until it cleared no progress could be made towards Selency.  The
First Division in the centre had made splendid progress, but the
Forty-sixth Division had been unable to take Pontruet, and the guns
from this village struck full against the left flank of the 2nd
Brigade in its advance, causing very heavy losses to the 1st
Northamptons.  So murderous were the casualties in this portion of
the field that the position of the forward troops was untenable, and
the remains of the Northamptons had to throw back a protective flank
to the north to cover the approaches from Pontruet.  The 2nd Sussex
on their right managed to retain their advanced position, and one
company, though very weak and short of cartridges, baffled a
counter-attack by a sudden bayonet charge in which they took 50
prisoners.

The attack upon Fresnoy village was made by the 3rd Brigade, the 1st
Gloucesters being immediately opposite to it.  Advancing under a
strong barrage the West Country men went straight for their
objective, taking both the village and the strongly organised {77}
cemetery to the south of it.  On the left of the village the British
were held up by strong wire and several vicious machine-guns, but the
Germans made the gallant mistake of running out in front of the wire
with bombs in their hands, upon which they were charged and many of
them were taken by the Gloucesters.  The German gunners in the rear
then turned their pieces upon both captors and captives, so the
company concerned was held down in shell holes all day and withdrew
as best they could after dark.  The 3rd Brigade then extended,
getting into touch with the 2nd Brigade near Cornovillers Wood.

On the left of the 3rd Brigade the strong position of Fresnoy
Cemetery had been carried, and the tireless infantry swarmed on into
Marronnières Wood, which was full of lurking machine-guns and needed
careful handling.  It was finally surrounded by the 3rd Brigade, who
mopped it up at their leisure, taking out of it a large number of
prisoners.  The 2nd King's Royal Rifles of the 2nd Brigade kept
parallel with their advance, and also cleared a considerable stretch
of woodland, while the 3rd Brigade, seeing signs of weakening on the
German front, pushed forward and seized Gricourt, a most important
point, the 2nd Welsh gaining the village and driving back a
subsequent counter-attack.  Finally, the complete victory in this
portion of the field was rounded off when, after dark, the 2nd King's
Royal Rifles secured a dangerous sunken road across the front which
had been a storm-centre all day.

Meanwhile the Forty-sixth Division had fought its way to the north of
Pontruet, but as this unit was relied upon for the great pending
operations on the Hindenburg Main Line, it was thought impolitic {78}
to involve it too deeply in local fighting.  The line was drawn,
therefore, to the west of the village.  The total captures of the day
had been 30 officers and 1300 men.  The trench to the south had also
had a good day, capturing all their objectives except Manchester Hill.

The Sixth Division had not yet cleared the Quadrilateral, and the
whole of September 25 was devoted to that desperate but necessary
work.  It was a case of bomb and bayonet, with slow laborious
progress.  Finally, about 6 P.M. General Harden was able to announce
that the whole wide entanglement had been occupied, though not yet
mopped up.  The village of Selency had also fallen, while on the
right the French had attacked and captured Manchester Hill.  Strong
resistance was encountered by the First Division near Gricourt.  The
German soldiers were again and again seen to hold up their hands, and
then to be driven into the fight once more by their officers with
their revolvers.  Late on the 26th, after a short hurricane
bombardment, the 3rd Brigade rushed forward again.  The enemy had
disappeared into their dug-outs under the stress of the shells, so
that the British infantry were able to get on to them before they
could emerge and to make many prisoners.  Colonel Tweedie of the
Gloucesters was in local command of this well-managed affair.
Altogether it was a good day for the First Division, which had gained
a line of positions, repelled heavy counters, and secured 800
prisoners, 600 falling to the 3rd Brigade, who had done the heavy end
of the work.

All was now ready for the great move which should break the spine of
the whole German resistance.  There was still some preliminary
struggling for positions {79} of departure and final readjustments of
the line, but they were all part of the great decisive operation of
September 29 and may best be included in that account.  The
chronicler can never forget how, late upon the eve of the battle, he
drove in a darkened motor along pitch-black roads across the rear of
the Army, and saw the whole eastern heaven flickering with war light
as far as the eyes could see, as the aurora rises and falls in the
northern sky.  So terrific was the spectacle that the image of the
Day of Judgment rose involuntarily to his mind.  It was indeed the
day of Judgment for Germany--the day when all those boastful words
and wicked thoughts and arrogant actions were to meet their fit
reward, and the wrong-doers to be humbled in the dust.  On that day
Germany's last faint hope was shattered, and every day after was but
a nearer approach to that pit which had been dug for her by her
diplomatists, her journalists, her professors, her junkers, and all
the vile, noisy crew who had brought this supreme cataclysm upon the
world.

The reader will note then that we leave the Fourth Army, consisting
from the right of the Ninth Corps, the Australians, and the Third
Corps, in front of the terrific barrier of the main Hindenburg Line.
We shall now hark back and follow the advance of Byng's Third Army
from its attack on August 21st until, five weeks later, it found
itself in front of the same position, carrying on the line of its
comrades in the south.

[Illustration: Position of British Corps, end of September 1918.]




{80}

CHAPTER IV

THE ATTACK OF BYNG's THIRD ARMY

August 21, 1918, to September 29, 1918

Advance of Shute's Fifth Corps--Great feat in crossing the
Ancre--Across the old battlefield--Final position of Fifth Corps
opposite Hindenburg's Main Line--Advance of Haldane's Sixth
Corps--Severe fighting--Arrival of Fifty-second Division--Formation
of Fergusson's Seventeenth Corps--Recapture of Havrincourt--Advance
of Harper's Fourth Corps--Great tenacity of the troops--The New
Zealanders and the Jaeger--Final position before the decisive battle.

[Sidenote: August 21.]

On August 20 General Mangin had pushed forward the Tenth French Army,
which formed the left of his force, and attacked along a sixteen-mile
front from the Oise to the Aisne, thus connecting up the original
operations with those initiated by Marshal Haig.  The movement was
very successful, taking some 10,000 prisoners and gaining several
miles of ground.  We have now to turn to the left of Rawlinson's
advance, and to consider the new movement which brought Byng's Third
British Army into the fray.

[Illustration: Advance of First, Third, and Fourth British Armies
from August 21, 1918, to September 2, 1918.  Arrows point to the
Rupture of the Quéant-Drocourt Line]

Upon the left of the Third Corps, which was, as already described,
fighting its way along the north bank of the Somme, there lay the
Fifth Corps (Shute).  On its left was the Fourth Corps (Harper), and
north of that the Sixth Corps (Haldane).  It was to these {81} three
units that the opening of the attack was entrusted.  The frontage was
about ten miles, extending from Moyenneville in the north to the
Ancre in the south, so that it just cleared the impossible country of
the first Somme battlefield--which even now a spectator cannot survey
without a feeling of wondering horror, so churned up is it from end
to end by the constant thresh of shells, burst of mines, and the
spade-work of three great armies.  The result of the first day's
fighting was an advance of several miles along the whole front, with
the capture of Beaucourt, Bucquoy, Moyenneville, and other villages,
the farthest advance coming close to the Arras-Albert Railway, and to
the village of Achiet-le-Grand.

There had been some recent retirement of the German line at Serre,
which gave the clue to the British Commanders that a general retreat
might take place on this particular portion of the front.  It was
very necessary, therefore, to strike at once while there was
certainly something solid to strike against--and all the more
necessary if there was a chance of catching the enemy in the act of
an uncompleted withdrawal.

It was nearly five o'clock when the battle began, and it was the turn
of the Germans to find how fog may disarrange the most elaborate
preparations for defence.  The mist was so thick that it could only
be compared to that which had shrouded the German advance on March
21.  Several miles of undulating country lay immediately in front of
the attackers, leading up to a formidable line of defence, the old
Albert-Arras Railway lying with its fortified embankments right
across the path of the British Army.  {82} Bucquoy in the centre of
the line, with the Logeast Wood to the east of it, and the muddy,
sluggish Ancre with its marshy banks on the extreme right, were
notable features in the ground to be assaulted.

The Fifth Corps, under General Shute, followed the curve of the River
Ancre on a front of 9000 yards.  It was poorly provided with guns as
the Corps to the left required a concentration of artillery, and it
had no tanks since the marshy valley and sluggish stream lay before
it.  The Thirty-eighth Welsh Division (Cubitt) lay on the right and
Campbell's Twenty-first on the left, each of them with two brigades
in front and one in reserve.  The Seventeenth Division (Robertson)
was in support.  The problem in front of General Shute's Corps was a
most difficult one.  Before it lay this evil watercourse which had
been flooded by the Germans and was 300 yards wide at one part.  All
bridges were gone, and the banks were low and boggy.  The main stream
was over six feet deep, and its channel could not be distinguished
from the general flood.  The whole morass was covered by a tangle of
fallen trees, reeds, and artificial obstructions.  To the east of the
river ran high ground, strongly held and fortified, from Tara Hill
above Albert to the Thiepval Height, south of Grandcourt.  The west
bank was so overlooked that no one could move unscathed.  And yet it
was clear that until this formidable obstacle was surmounted it was
neither possible for Rawlinson to advance from Albert, nor for the
Fourth Corps on the left to assault Miraumont.

The movements of Shute's Corps on August 21 were preliminary to their
real attack.  On that date the Twenty-first Division advanced on the
left {83} flank, in close touch with the Forty-second Division of the
Fourth Corps.  Beaucourt was taken in the movement.  By this
operation the Twenty-first Division reached a point where the flood
was narrower at St. Pierre Divion, and here some bridges could be
constructed and preparations made for the passage.

In the case of Harper's Fourth Corps on the left the advance on
August 21 was limited, since no serious attack could be made upon
Miraumont while the high ground to the south was untaken.  At this
date Harper's Corps consisted of five divisions, the Fifth,
Thirty-seventh, Forty-second, Sixty-third, and the New Zealanders.
Of these the Thirty-seventh Division (Williams) was on the left,
covering the flank of the Sixth Corps, while the Forty-second
(Solly-Flood) was on the right.  We shall now follow in the first
instance the work of the Fifth Corps on the extreme right from the
beginning of the battle until the pause preceding the attack of
September 18.  There are, it is true, objections to continuous
narrative, since it stands in the way of a bird's-eye view of the
whole operation; but on the other hand the object and scope of any
series of advances become unintelligible unless they are linked up
from day to day.  We shall therefore take the Fifth Corps as one
story until it reaches the Hindenburg Line.  We shall then follow the
work of the other flank corps of Byng's Third Army, which was
Haldane's Sixth Corps, bringing it up to the same point.  It will
finally, after we have established two solid bastions, be easy to
deal with the central unit, Harper's Fourth Corps, which filled up
the space between.  We shall {84} then have a narrative which will
cover four strenuous weeks in which the Third Army carried out a
notable advance.

[Sidenote: August 22.]

It has been explained that Shute's Fifth Corps found itself with 9000
yards of river in front of it, and that on August 21 the Twenty-first
Division had seized a favourable point for crossing near St. Pierre
Divion.  There was no further advance on the morning of the 22nd, but
to the south Rawlinson's left was fighting its way to the eastern
exits of Albert, and the bridges in the town were being got ready for
use.  All day a heavy fire was kept up on the German lines east of
the river, and especially upon the rising ground called Usna Hill.
As the day passed small bodies of troops began to cross the Ancre
from the Fifth Corps front and to make a lodgement at the farther
side.  South-west of Thiepval part of the 14th Welsh from the 114th
Brigade, wading over breast deep with their rifles and pouches held
high, got into a trench on the farther bank and held their own.  The
Twenty-first Division also got some companies across at St. Pierre,
while it beat off several attacks upon the north side of the river.
During the night the 50th Brigade of the Seventeenth Division was
slipped into the line, between Campbell's North Countrymen on the
left and Cubitt's Welshmen on the right.  General Shute was now ready
for his great effort in crossing the river.

The first stage in this difficult operation was carried out early on
August 23, when the 113th Welsh Brigade, which had quickly passed
over the Albert bridges, made a sudden attack about dawn on Usna
Hill, at the same time as the Eighteenth Division to the south
attacked Tara Hill.  The position was {85} taken with 200 prisoners,
while the 115th Welsh Brigade got up to the chalk-pit, east of
Aveluy, where they joined hands with their comrades on the Usna line.
Thus, before evening of August 23 the Thirty-eighth Division was east
of the river from Albert to Aveluy, while the Twenty-first still held
its bridgeheads at St. Pierre Divion.  The slope of the Thiepval
Ridge with all its fortifications still lay in front, and this was
the next objective of the Fifth Corps.  It was carried by a night
attack on August 23-24.

[Sidenote: August 23.]

A large portion of the central line was so flooded that no advance
was possible.  It was planned, therefore, that the assault should be
on both wings, the area around Authuille being nipped out and cleared
at a later stage.  The operation began on the evening of August 23 by
a movement along the northern bank of the river to the south-east of
Miraumont, so as to partly encircle that village and help forward the
Fourth Corps on the left, who were still held up in front of it.  The
main Ancre attack was carried out by the 113th Brigade on the right,
who came away with a fine impetus on the eastern slopes of Usna Hill,
capturing La Boiselle and reaching a point 1100 yards west of
Ovillers.  The 114th Brigade on the left had with great difficulty
and corresponding valour crossed the Ancre under machine-gun fire and
had established themselves on the slopes, fighting their way forward
all day until they reached a point north-west of Pozières.  All
around Thiepval there was close fighting in which this brigade acted
in close liaison with the 50th Brigade.  In this struggle many
gallant deeds were done, and it is recorded, among others, how
Lieutenant Griffiths of the Welsh {86} Regiment advanced using his
Lewis gun as if it were a rifle.  He is said to have slain sixteen
Germans in this novel fashion before his own wounds brought him
fainting to the ground.  According to the plan the two converging
brigades left a large central section untouched, which was promptly
mopped up by the 115th Brigade, so that every man of the
Thirty-eighth Division was engaged in this fine operation.

[Sidenote: August 24.]

Farther to the left the 6th Dorsets of the 50th Brigade, in spite of
gas clouds and machine-guns had crossed the Ancre in its narrowest
reach, where some sort of bridges had been prepared.  With great
energy and initiative they cleared up the front trenches and pockets
so as to give room for a deployment, pushing their patrols out
towards Thiepval, but they were driven in again by an attack from the
Schwaben Redoubt.  The rest of the 50th Brigade (Gwyn-Thomas) had
followed, most of the infantry wading across in the dark up to their
waists in mud and water.  Pushing on, as part of the general advance,
all three battalions of the 50th Brigade went forward, capturing
several hundred prisoners, but deviating so far from their course
that when they thought and reported that they had captured
Courcelette it was really Pozières which they had got.  In the early
afternoon Allason's 52nd Brigade was pushed in on the right of the
50th Brigade, connecting them up with the Welshmen.  The mistake in
the direction of the 50th Brigade was not an unmixed evil, for while
it left the Twenty-first Division with its right flank exposed and in
considerable difficulty, it made a pocket of a large number of
Germans in front of the Welshmen, 900 of whom were captured.  General
{87} Robertson saved the situation on the left by pushing in his
reserve brigade, the 51st (Dudgeon), and so filling the gap between
his division and that of General Campbell.

The latter division, especially the 64th Brigade, which had pushed on
to Miraumont the night before, had some desperate fighting.  The
whole brigade was passed in single file over two foot-bridges.  At
11.30 P.M. they were assembled upon the south bank and ready to
start.  A barrage had been arranged for their attack, but owing to
changes in plan it was not thick or effective.  The advance was made
by the 15th Durhams on the right and the 9th Yorkshire Light Infantry
on the left with the 1st East Yorks in support, the column being
guided by means of compass bearing, and by the presence of the Ancre
on the left flank.  This nocturnal march in the face of the enemy was
a very remarkable and daring one, for the ground was pitted with
craters and there were two ravines with sheer sides at right angles
to the advance.  Touch was kept by shouting, which seems to have
confused rather than informed the enemy, who only fought in patches.
Grandcourt was overrun with 100 prisoners, 20 machine-guns, and 4
field-pieces.  Early in the morning General M'Culloch, who had
conducted the operation, was badly wounded and the command passed to
Colonel Holroyd Smith of the Durhams.  When full daylight came the
brigade was deeply embedded in the German line, and the enemy closed
in upon it but their attacks were repulsed.  The soldiers were
compelled to lie flat, however, in order to escape from the heavy
fire.  The 110th Brigade of the same division had advanced on the
right, but it was acting in close liaison {88} with the Seventeenth
Division, and independent of the isolated unit, which was now
completely alone on the hill south of Miraumont, their East Yorkshire
supports being at Grandcourt, and so much out of touch with the
advanced line that the Officer Commanding imagined the stragglers to
be all that was left of the brigade.  The first intimation of the
true state of affairs was given by the wounded Brigadier as he passed
on his way to the casualty station.  About 10.30 Captain Spicer, the
Brigade Major, got back by crawling, and reported that the advanced
line still held, though weak in numbers.  Aeroplane reconnaissance
confirmed the report.  All day the valiant band held out until in the
evening the advance of the Forty-second Division on their left, and
of their own comrades of the 110th Brigade on their right, rescued
them from a desperate situation.  Their work had been exceedingly
useful, as their presence had partially paralysed the whole German
system of defence.  Great credit in this remarkable affair was due
not only to General Campbell and his staff, upon whom the initial
responsibility lay, but to the gallant and inspiring leading of
General M'Culloch and of the battalion leaders, Holroyd Smith and
Greenwood.  It was indeed a wonderful feat to advance three miles
over such country upon a pitch-dark night and to reach and hold an
objective which was outflanked on both sides by the successful German
defence.  The troops had been heartened up by messages with promises
of speedy succour which were dropped by aeroplanes during the day.

The 62nd Brigade had now pushed in between the 64th on the right and
the Forty-second Division {89} on the left, touching the latter in
the neighbourhood of Pys, so that by the late afternoon of August 24
the whole line was solid and the crossing of the Ancre with the
capture of the ridge were accomplished facts.  There have been few
more deft pieces of work in the war.  The German fixed line had been
driven back and the remaining operations consisted from this date
onwards in a pursuit rather than an attack.  It was a pursuit,
however, where the retreat was always covered by an obstinate
rearguard, so that there was many a stiff fight in front of the Fifth
Corps in the days to come.

Divisions had been instructed that the pursuit was to be continued in
a relentless fashion, and Corps cavalry, drawn from the 8th and 20th
Hussars, were told off to throw out patrols and keep in close touch
with the German rearguard.  The immediate objectives of the infantry
were Longueval and Flers for the Welshmen, Gueudecourt for the
Seventeenth, and Beaulencourt for the Twenty-first Division.  The
general movement was extraordinarily like the advance in the spring
of 1917, but the British were now more aggressive and the Germans
were less measured and sedate in their dispositions.  On August 25
the pressure was sustained along the whole line, and the Germans,
fighting hard with their machine-guns which swept the exposed ridges,
were none the less being pushed eastwards the whole day.  The Welsh
took Contalmaison and reached the edge of Mametz Wood, where so many
of their comrades had fallen just two years before.  The Seventeenth,
fighting hard, captured Courcelette and Martinpuich.  The
Twenty-first got Le Sars and the Butte de Warlencourt, that strange
old tumulus which now marked {90} the joining point with the Fourth
Corps still advancing on the left.  At no point was there a battle
and at no point was there peace, but a constant ripple of fire rose
and fell along the thin fluctuating line.  It is noted in the diaries
of some of the British Generals as being the first day of purely open
warfare in offensive fighting which their troops had ever experienced.

[Sidenote: August 26.]

On the morning of August 26 the Welsh overran Bazentin-le-Grand, but
the 115th Brigade were held up for a time at the old stumbling-block
High Wood.  Later in the day it was taken, however, while the 113th
Brigade got as far as the edge of Longueval, meeting a severe
counter-attack which was rolled back in ruin by rifles and
machine-guns.  The Seventeenth Division gained some ground, but both
brigades, the 51st and 52nd, were held up by a withering fire before
reaching Flers.  The 64th Brigade on their left met with equal
opposition and could not get forward.  Everywhere there were signs of
a strong German rally for the evident purpose of covering the removal
of their guns and stores.  It was well maintained and well organised,
so that the object was attained.  It became clearer with every day
that an artillery barrage was still a necessity for an infantry
advance.

[Sidenote: August 27.]

On August 27 the advance was continued.  Outside the Fifth Corps
boundaries the Fourth Corps on the left was encircling Bapaume and
pushing advanced guards on to Maplecourt and Frémicourt, while
Rawlinson's men on the right were facing Trones Wood and the
Guillemont Ridge.  In the early morning, with a moon shining
brightly, the whole front of the Fifth Corps was on fire once more
{91} and rolling eastwards.  By 9 A.M. the 113th Brigade were through
Longueval and in touch with the Fourth Army near the Sugar Refinery.
The 114th Brigade attempted to pass north of Delville Wood, but after
some confused fighting were held on the line of the Flers-Longueval
Road.  Flers, however, had been taken by the 50th Brigade, though the
Germans made a strong fight of it and at one time reoccupied the
village.  Whatever the general morale of the enemy may have been
there was no immediate weakening in the actual fighting power of his
line.  The Twenty-first Division made only a moderate advance, but
they got ahead of their neighbours.  The 6th Dragoon Guards, who were
now furnishing the patrols, were withdrawn, as it was clear that the
Germans meant to stand.

[Sidenote: August 28.]

On the morning of August 28 they were still in position, and the day
was mainly devoted to reorganising the infantry and bombarding the
German lines, together with all the roads which lay eastwards.  Early
next morning the Welsh advanced once more, the 113th Brigade on one
side of Delville Wood and the 114th on the other, with the result
that this sinister graveyard was surrounded and the line carried
definitely to the east of it.  Morval still held out, but Lesbœufs
was overrun.  There was weakening all along the German line, which
meant no doubt that they had completed the withdrawal of their more
essential impedimenta.  Flers and Gueudecourt both fell to the
Seventeenth Division, almost without a battle.  The Twenty-first
Division was also able to move forward with no great difficulty as
far as Beaulencourt and the line of the road from that village to
Bapaume.  This new line was held {92} with great determination by the
enemy, who were still, as must be admitted, masters of the situation
to the extent that though forced to retire they would still retire in
their own fashion.  The Welsh attacking Morval that night found the
place was strongly held and no progress possible.

[Sidenote: August 30.]

August 30 was to show that the German rearguards were by no means
demoralised and were not to be unduly hustled.  It is impossible not
to admire the constancy in adversity of Hans and Fritz and Michel,
whatever one may think of the mentality of the Vons who had placed
them in this desperate position.  Morval still held its own against
the Welsh, and the Seventeenth Division could not reach the clear
line in front of them which is furnished by the Peronne-Bapaume Road.
Beaulencourt was also retained by the enemy, as the patrols
discovered to their cost.  The line was still strong and menacing.
There was inaction on August 31, which was spent in bombardment and
preparation.

[Sidenote: Sept. 1, 1-3.]

At 2 A.M. on September 1 the Twenty-first Division attacked
Beaulencourt and carried it with a rush, and a strong attempt to
regain it after dawn cost the enemy heavy losses.  During the morning
the Welshmen on the right flank attacked Morval and were at last
successful in taking this strong position.  There was very heavy
fighting all day round Sailly-Sallisel, where the 113th and 115th
Welsh Brigades made repeated efforts to envelop and capture the
village.  There were several checks, but the gallant Welshmen stuck
to their task, and before evening the place had fallen and the
general British line was well to the east of it.  On the other hand,
the Seventeenth and Twenty-first Divisions {93} had a bad day in
front of Le Transloy and the Sugar Factory, having nothing to show
for considerable losses, the 9th West Ridings being especially hard
hit.  None the less the Seventeenth was hard at it again next
morning, for it was imperative to keep up the pressure without any
relaxation.  On this day, September 2, the plan was that the 50th and
52nd Brigades should work round on each side of the village while the
artillery kept the defenders from interfering.  This attack, though
delayed for some time, eventually succeeded, the 6th Dorsets clearing
up the ruins, while the Twenty-first Division, after several brave
attempts, drove the tenacious German garrison out of the Sugar
Factory.  The 10th West Yorkshires, under Colonel Thomas, did
particularly good work in linking up the two divisions.  Altogether
it was a very satisfactory morning's work, and the 50th Brigade added
to it in the evening by capturing in a fine attack the village of
Rocquigny, and pushing patrols on into Barastre, which was found to
be empty.  On this day, as the Corps front had contracted, the
Twenty-first Division was drawn back into reserve.  It may be
remarked that in all these operations Robertson's Seventeenth
Division had the supreme satisfaction of hurling the enemy out of a
long series of villages which they had themselves been forced to
relinquish under the pressure of the great March advance.

[Sidenote: Sept. 3-6.]

It was clear now that the Germans, either of their own will or driven
by the constant pressure, were withdrawing their rearguards, so that
in the early morning of September 3 no touch could be gained by
patrols.  By 6 A.M. the British advance guards were well on their
way, streaming forward to the {94} Canal du Nord, from the eastern
bank of which the eternal machine-guns were rapping away once more,
stopping the 50th Brigade in an attempt to make a direct advance.
There were no bridges left, so nothing further could be done that
day, which brought the corps front up to the western bank from
Manancourt to the north-east of Etricourt.  On September 4, however,
the crossing was effected without any very great difficulty, and
bridge-heads established by both the divisions in the line.

On September 5 the 114th Brigade attacked the trench system round
Equancourt without success.  The 51st Brigade had better luck to the
north of the village and gained a good bit of ground.  The 7th
Lincolns were held up with considerable loss in the first advance on
account of some misunderstanding about the starting-point and
insufficient touch with the Forty-second Division on their left.  The
7th Borders, a battalion made up of Cumberland and Westmoreland
Yeomanry, carried on the attack and found the village deserted.  The
day ended with the right flank of the Fifth Corps in touch with the
Third Corps to the north-west of Nurlu, while the left flank joined
the Fourth Corps north of Vallulart Wood.  That night the
Twenty-first Division came back into line, taking the place of the
Welshmen who had done such splendid and strenuous service since
August 22.

[Sidenote: Sept. 6-10.]

September 6 and 7 were occupied in a slow but steady advance which
absorbed Equancourt, Fins, and Sorel-le-Grand.  On September 8
matters were less one-sided, as the Twenty-first Division, acting in
close liaison with Rawlinson at Peizières, attacked Vaucelette Farm
and Chapel Crossing.  It {95} must have been with peculiar ardour and
joy that General Campbell and his men flung themselves upon the
positions which they had held so heroically upon March 21.  Here
after six months were their complete vindication and revenge.  The
fighting was carried on into September 9, the Seventeenth Division
joining in on the left in close touch with the New Zealanders of the
Fourth Corps.  It was clear that the Germans meant standing if they
could and the struggle was a very hard one, but before evening much
of the ground had reverted to the two divisions which were both, by a
peculiar coincidence, more or less in their old positions.  There
were attack and counter-attack, and a good price paid for all that
was gained.  There are days when land is cheap and days when it is
the dearest thing upon earth.  At the end of this fight the Germans
were in a continuous trench on one side of the ridge and the British
in a corresponding position on the other.  It became more and more
clear that the days of pursuit and rearguard actions were over, and
that the whole British front in this quarter was up against a fixed
battle position of the enemy--or at the least against the strong
outposts in front of a fixed battle position.  This important fact
regulates the whole situation up to the great attack of September 29.

[Sidenote: Sept. 10-18.]

September 10 and 11 were spent in local encounters in the Chapel
Crossing and Vaucelette Farm district, the Germans striving hard by
these outpost engagements to prevent the British line from getting
within striking distance of the old Hindenburg position, behind which
they hoped to rally their dishevelled forces.  The British were
equally eager to break {96} down this screen and get at the solid
proposition behind it.  The weather was terrible, rising at one time
to the height of a cyclone, which disarranged serious British
advance, the Fourth Corps on the left attacking the Trescault Spur,
while the Welsh, who had now relieved the Seventeenth Division, were
to go forward on their flank.  The Germans clung desperately to their
ground, however, and after a long day of alternate advance and
retreat the British line was where it had been in the morning.  A
position called African Trench lay in front of the Welshmen, and it
was not possible to carry it in face of the very severe machine-gun
fire.  From this date until September 18 there was no advance and no
change on the front of the Fifth Corps save that Pinney's
Thirty-third Division came in to patch its worn array.

[Sidenote: Sept. 18.]

On September 18 the Fifth Corps attacked once more in conjunction
with Rawlinson's Army on its right, the final objective being the
trench lines south of Villers-Guislain-Gauche Wood.  The advance was
made by the Welsh Division opposite to Gouzeaucourt, the Seventeenth
in front of Gauche Wood, and the Twenty-first to the immediate south.
It was preceded by field barrage, heavy barrage, machine barrage,
trench mortar bombardment, and every refinement of artillery practice
as elaborated in this long war.  The results of a hard day's fighting
were rather mixed.  The Welsh Division was held near Gouzeaucourt and
finished up in its own original line, leaving the left flank of the
52nd Brigade exposed.  The two other divisions were able, after hard
fighting, to reach their objectives, including Gauche Wood.  {97} The
Twenty-first Division had a particularly trying and yet successful
day, all three brigades being heavily engaged and enduring
considerable losses in capturing the very ground which they had held
on March 21.  Their advance was complicated by a mine-field, laid
down by themselves and so well laid that it was still in a very
sensitive condition, while the dug-outs had been so undisturbed that
the 1st Lincolns actually found their own orderly papers upon the
table.  In the fighting the 62nd Brigade led the way with complete
success, and it was not until the 64th and the 110th Brigades passed
through it and began to debouch over the old No Man's Land that the
losses became serious, Epéhy and Peizières being thorns in their
flesh.  Colonel Holroyd Smith of the 15th Durhams was killed, but the
64th Brigade made good its full objective, the 1st East Yorks
capturing a German howitzer battery, together with the horses which
had just been hooked in.  At one time the Germans got round the left
flank of the Division and the situation was awkward, but Colonel
Walsh of the 9th Yorks Light Infantry, with his H.Q. Staff, made a
dashing little attack on his own, and drove the enemy back, receiving
a wound in the exploit.  The Twenty-first Division, save on the
right, had all its objectives.  The left of the Third Corps had not
prospered equally well, so that a defensive line had to be built up
by Campbell in the south, while Robertson did the same in the north,
the whole new position forming a marked salient.  Two efforts of the
enemy to regain the ground were beaten back.  The southern divisions
had been much troubled by flanking fire from Gouzeaucourt, so an
effort was made that night to get possession of this place, the {98}
6th Dorsets and 10th West Yorkshires of the 50th Brigade suffering in
the attempt.  This attack was led by General Sanders, who had
succeeded Gwyn, Thomas as Brigadier of the 50th, but he was himself
killed by a shell on September 20.  Some 2000 prisoners and 15
field-guns were the trophies taken in this operation by the Fifth
Corps.  Gouzeaucourt was shortly afterwards evacuated, but there was
no other change on the front until the great battle which shattered
the Hindenburg Line and really decided the war.  All of this
fighting, and especially that on September 18, has to be read in
conjunction with that already narrated in the story of the Fourth
Army on the right.

Having brought Shute's Fifth Corps up to the eve of the big
engagement we shall now ask the reader to cast his mind back to
August 21, the first day of General Byng's advance, and to follow
Haldane's Sixth Corps on the northern flank of the Army during these
same momentous and strenuous weeks.  It will then be more easy to
trace the operations of Harper's Fourth Corps, which was intermediate
between Shute and Haldane.

[Sidenote: August 21.]

Haldane's Sixth Corps, like its comrades of the Third Army, had gone
through the arduous days of March and had many a score to pay back to
the Germans.  It was a purely British Corps, consisting upon the
first day of battle of five fine divisions, the Second (Pereira),
Third (Deverell), Sixty-second (Braithwaite), Fifty-ninth (Whigham),
and the Guards.  With four Regular units out of five, Haldane's Sixth
Corps might have been the wraith of the grand old Mons army come back
to judgment.  The First Cavalry Division, also reminiscent of Mons,
{99} was in close support, ready to take advantage of any opening.

The first advance in the early morning was made by the 99th Brigade
of the Second Division on the south, and the 2nd Guards Brigade on
the north, the latter being directed upon the village of
Moyenneville, while the 99th Brigade was to carry Moyblain Trench,
the main German outpost position, 1000 yards in front of the line.
The right of the line was formed by the 1st Berks and the left by the
23rd Royal Fusiliers, the latter having a most unpleasant start, as
they were gas-shelled in their assembly places and had to wear their
masks for several hours before zero time.  Any one who has worn one
of these contrivances for five consecutive minutes will have some
idea what is meant by such an ordeal, and how far it prepares a man
for going into battle.  Only a very expert man can keep the goggles
clean, and one is simultaneously gagged, blinded, and half smothered,
with a horrible death awaiting any attempt at amelioration.

At five o'clock nine tanks moved forward behind a crashing stationary
barrage, and the infantry followed eagerly through a weak German
fire.  In spite of all precautions the Fusiliers had lost 400 men
from gas, but otherwise the casualties were very small.  It may be
remarked that many of these serious gas cases occurred from the reek
of the gas out of the long grass when the sun dried the dew, showing
how subtle and dangerous a weapon is this distillation of mustard.
Some small consolation could be gained by the British soldier
suffering from these hellish devices, by the knowledge that our
chemists, driven to retaliate, had in mustard gas, as in every other
{100} poison, produced a stronger brew than the original inventor.
Well might the German garrison of Lens declare that they wished they
could have dropped that original inventor into one of his own retorts.

The advance of the Guards kept pace on the left with that of the
Second Division.  The 2nd Brigade went forward with Moyenneville for
its immediate objective.  The 1st Coldstream in the north were to
carry the village, while the 1st Scots were to assemble in the low
ground north of Ayette, and to carry the attack to the
Ablainzeville-Moyenneville Ridge.  The 3rd Grenadiers were then to
pass through the Scots and to capture the line of the railway.  The
opening of the attack was much the same as in the case of the troops
on the right, save that no difficulty was experienced from gas.
There were few losses in the two leading battalions, which took many
prisoners, and it was only the 3rd Grenadiers who, as they neared the
railway, met a good deal of machine-gun fire, but pushed on in spite
of it and made good the line of their objective.

In the meantime the 9th Brigade of the Third Division had moved
through the ranks of the 99th Brigade, and had carried on the advance
in the southern area.  They advanced with the 1st Northumberland
Fusiliers on the right and 4th Royal Fusiliers behind them.  The
latter had the misfortune to lose Colonel Hartley and 50 men from a
shell-burst while moving into position.  The left front of the
brigade was formed by the 13th King's Liverpools.  The whole line
advancing in open order passed on without a check, save from mist
which caused loss of direction and constant reference to the compass.
Over a series of trenches the line {101} plodded its way, clearing up
occasional machine-guns and their crews.  By 9.15 they were on the
railway embankment.

The 8th Brigade (Fisher) of the Third Division had also advanced on
the left of the 9th, keeping pace with it so far as the fog would
allow.  The 7th Shropshires were on the left, in touch with the
Guards.  The 1st Scots Fusiliers were on the right and the 2nd Royal
Scots in support.  The attack was directed upon Courcelles, which was
carried by the Scots Fusiliers and mopped up by the 8th Royal
Lancasters.  From the village a sharp slope leads down to the railway
line and here the opposition was very strong, the ground being
closely swept by rifle and machine-gun fire.  Behind two tanks the
leading battalions rushed forward and the railway was rushed, with
200 prisoners.  The position was organised, and touch established
with the Guards on the left and with the 9th Brigade on the right.
The 9th Brigade found it difficult, however, to get touch with the
Sixty-third Naval Division on their right, that unit having
experienced considerable difficulties and losses.  The 76th Brigade,
the remaining unit of the Third Division, had the 2nd Suffolks and
1st Gordons close up to the line, and all of these battalions were
much mixed up owing to the persistent fog.

A very determined pocket of German infantry and machine-gunners had
remained in front of the left flank of the Sixty-third Division,
formed by the 188th Brigade.  These men were now on the right rear of
the 9th Brigade, but the situation was obscure and nothing was
certain save that the British line was not yet continuous and solid.
In spite of a {102} concentration of artillery the Germans were still
holding out next morning, being the only hostile units to the west of
the railway line on the Sixth Corps sector.

An attempt had been made to get forward to Achiet-le-Grand, in which
part of the Sixty-third Division on the right and two companies of
the Gordons participated.  The Ansons and the Gordons both lost
considerably in this attack and were unable to reach the village,
though they advanced the line by 500 yards.  Lack of artillery
support, while the enemy guns were numerous and active, was the cause
of the check.

The night of August 21 was quiet on most parts of this new front of
the Third Army, but at early dawn a counter-attack developed before
the Sixty-third Division and before the 8th Brigade.  An S.O.S.
barrage was called for and promptly given in each case, which
entirely extinguished the attack upon the Sixty-third.  On the 8th
Brigade front some of the German infantry got as far forward as the
railway line but were quickly hurled back again by bombs and the
bayonet.  At 7.45 A.M. the enemy again made a rush and occupied one
post of the railway, from which, as well as from the posts on the
right of the 9th Brigade where the railway line was not yet in
British hands, he enfiladed the front defences during the day,
causing many casualties, until in the evening the post was retaken by
the 1st Northumberland Fusiliers.  Among the gas cases sent to the
rear this day, though his injuries had been incurred during the
assembly, was General Fisher of the 8th Brigade.

[Sidenote: August 22, 23.]

The Guards in the north had also encountered the attack of the early
morning of August 22, which {103} seems to have been general along
the line, though at no part very vigorous.  This particular section
of it was delivered near Hamelincourt by the Fortieth Saxon Division,
who suffered terribly in the venture.  The rest of the day was
comparatively quiet and was spent in arranging the attack for the
morrow.  This attack was planned with the idea of outflanking the
German position at Achiet-le-Grand, which had shown itself to be
dangerously strong.  It was determined to outflank it both upon the
north and the south.  With this intention the Third Division was to
capture Gomiecourt during the night of August 22.  Farther north two
fresh divisions, the famous Fifty-sixth London Territorials, and the
Fifty-second from Palestine, were ordered to prolong the line of the
Guards, all under General Haldane, and to capture Hamelincourt,
Boyelles, and Boiry Becquerelle, with as much more as they could get,
on the early morning of August 23.  On the front of the Fourth Corps
on the right the advance was entrusted to the Thirty-seventh Division
and to the Forty-second Division on the bank of the Ancre.

The attack upon Gomiecourt, which was to be the prelude of the day's
work, since all advance to the south was impossible while that
village was in German hands, was carried out by the well-tried 76th
Brigade, the 8th Royal Lancasters and 2nd Suffolks in the front line,
with the 1st Gordons in close support.  Tanks were to lead the van,
but they were unable to get across the railway embankment in time.
The assault, which began at 4 in the morning, was preceded by a short
crashing bombardment of heavy shells upon the doomed village.  It had
hardly ceased before the Suffolks and Lancasters were swarming {104}
down the street, and the place was secured with little loss.  Whilst
this brisk and successful affair was going on, the 13th King's
Liverpools of the 9th Brigade on the right made an advance to keep
the line level, taking some prisoners and three guns.  This was the
more important as the weak point of the situation had always been to
the south and most of the damage sustained was by enfilade fire from
this direction.

The 8th Brigade, now under the command of Colonel Henderson, kept
pace with the 76th Brigade in their advance, occupying the ground
north of Gomiecourt.  The 2nd Royal Scots and 7th Shropshires were in
the lead.  There was very heavy fire and the losses were
considerable, but the machine-gun nests were rooted out with the
bayonet, and the full objective was attained.  Farther north the
attack was carried on by the 3rd Grenadier Guards and the 1st Scots.
These were successful in taking the village of Hamelincourt and the
trench system south of it, while keeping in touch with the
Fifty-sixth Division to the north of them.  The 1st Coldstream was
then pushed through and crossed the Arras-Bapaume Road, gaining a
position eventually from which they looked south upon Ervillers.

Farther north still both the Fifty-sixth and the Fifty-second
Divisions had joined in the advance, moving forward to the line of
the great high road which runs from north to south.  Bridges had been
thrown over the Cojeul River by the sappers of the Fifty-ninth
Division, who had held this front--the workers having to wear gas
masks during their labours.  To the 470th Field Company R.E. belongs
the credit of this most difficult job, under the direction of Colonel
{105} Coussmaker.  Over these bridges passed the Fifty-second
Division, while south of them the attack was urged by the 168th
Brigade of the Fifty-sixth Division, with several villages for their
objective.  The 13th London (Kensingtons) were on the right, the 4th
London in the centre, and the 14th London (London Scottish) on the
left.  The advance went without a hitch, save that touch was lost
with the Guards on the right.  This was regained again in the
evening, however, when the Brigade found itself to the north of
Croisilles and close to the old Hindenburg Line.  The Fifty-second
Division had also reached the line where it runs across the Sensée
valley.

The main advance in front of Haldane's Corps had been entrusted to
the Second Division, who advanced through the ranks of the Third
Division after the capture of Gomiecourt.  This advance was on a
three-brigade front.  On the right was the 99th Brigade, in touch
with the 63rd Brigade of the Thirty-seventh Division to the south of
them.  This Brigade was told off to keep the flank, but it captured
500 prisoners in the process.  On the left was the 6th Brigade, which
had been ordered, with the help of eight whippets, to attack
Ervillers.  In the centre the 5th Brigade with ten whippets was to
carry Behagnies and Sapignies.  This considerable attack was timed
for 11 o'clock.

Gomiecourt having fallen, the 5th Brigade used it as a screen,
passing round to the north of it and then turning south to Behagnies.
The 2nd Highland Light Infantry headed for that village, while the
24th Royal Fusiliers advanced to the storm of Sapignies.  The 2nd
Oxford and Bucks were in reserve.  {106} The ten light tanks which
led the attack had a series of adventures.  Three were knocked out by
a gun on the railway.  The other seven under heavy gun-fire swerved
to the right, got out of the divisional area, and on the principle
that any fight is better than no fight, joined with the
Thirty-seventh Division in their attack upon Achiet-le-Grand, where
they did good service.  In the meantime, the tankless 5th Brigade
moved round Gomiecourt, coming under very heavy fire on their left
flank.  Colonel Brodie, a most gallant V.C. officer of the Highland
Light Infantry, was killed, and Colonel Cross of the Oxfords wounded,
by this fire.  The day was very hot, the men exhausted, and the
losses severe.  The new position was organised, therefore, and the
advance suspended for the present.

[Sidenote: August 23.]

The 6th Brigade had advanced on the left of the 5th, heading for
Ervillers, with the 1st King's Liverpools and the 2nd South Staffords
in the lead.  The front waves, assisted by light tanks, rapidly broke
down all opposition, and Ervillers was taken about 2 P.M.  All
movement beyond the village was checked by very heavy fire from the
high ground to the north-east, so that Mory Copse, the next
objective, was found to be unattainable.  The object of the British
Commanders was never to pay more for a position than it was worth, or
buy a machine-gun at the cost of half a battalion.  On the other
hand, papers captured during the day showed beyond all doubt that the
object of the Germans was to make an orderly retreat as far as the
Hindenburg Line, so that it was clearly the game to hustle and bustle
them without cessation.

[Sidenote: August 24.]

August the 24th was a heavy day in the Sixth {107} Corps, who were
ordered to push on and gain ground to the utmost extent along the
whole front.  In order to strengthen the movement, the Canadian Corps
had been very quietly and deftly removed from the right wing of
Rawlinson's Army and transferred to the left wing of Byng's Army, in
touch with the Fifty-second Division.

It will be remembered that the Second Division, though they had taken
Ervillers, had been pinned down there by German fire, while they had
failed to take Behagnies or Sapignies.  Both these movements were now
resumed.  In the night of August 23-24 the 1st King's Liverpools
advanced from Ervillers upon Mory, but were held up by very heavy
fire.  The 3rd Guards Brigade on the north was advancing successfully
upon St. Leger and this had the effect of outflanking the Mory
position on that side.  St. Leger was taken by the 2nd Scots Guards
and the 1st Welsh, who cleared it in the course of the afternoon.
They could get no farther, however, until the Second Division had
completed its task at Mory.  This was now in the hands of the 99th
Brigade, who, headed by the 1st Berkshires, with the 1st Royal Rifles
behind them, and a spearhead of tanks in front, broke down all
opposition and captured Mory Copse, a very formidable position full
of emplacements and dug-outs.  By this success the threat was removed
from the right of the Guards, and all was clear for their further
advance upon Ecoust.

[Sidenote: August 25.]

The Sixty-second Yorkshire Division had now moved up to relieve the
Second Division, but the latter were determined before their
withdrawal to complete their unfinished tasks.  In the early morning
of August 25 the attacks upon the two obdurate villages {108} were
resumed, after a very heavy bombardment.  The new venture was
splendidly successful.  The 2nd Highland Light Infantry and the 24th
Royal Fusiliers rushed into Behagnies while it was still dark and
cleared out the whole village.  This enabled the force to get to the
rear of Sapignies, which was stormed by the 2nd Oxfords--a battalion
with such proud traditions that even now in semi-official documents
it is still the 52nd Light Infantry.  300 prisoners and 150
machine-guns were taken in the village, a proportion which
illustrates how far machines were taking the places of men in the
depleted German Army.  Having gloriously tidied up its front the
Second Division now stood out while the Sixty-second took its place.

It will be remembered that the Fifty-second and Fifty-sixth Divisions
had fought their way to the Hindenburg Line on August 23.  This was
too formidable an obstacle to be taken in their stride, and the most
that could be hoped was that they should get into a good position for
the eventual attack.  The Fifty-second Division had shown the metal
of the Palestine Army by a very fine advance which made them masters
of Henin.  On their right was the 167th Brigade, with the 1st London
and the 7th and 8th Middlesex in the line.  These troops pushed right
into the outskirts of Croisilles, but it was clear that new German
divisions were in the line, and that the resistance had very much
hardened.  The Londoners were unable to hold the village, and the
Fifty-second Division was also held up on Henin Hill by very strong
fire.  Matters seemed to have come to a stand in that quarter.

Early on the morning of the 25th the Guards 3rd {109} Brigade and the
186th and the 187th Brigades of the Sixty-second Division made a
resolute advance to clear their front and get nearer to that terrible
paling which was meant to enclose the German domain.  It was a day of
very hard fighting for all three brigades, and they had ample
evidence that the German line had indeed been powerfully reinforced,
and had no intention of allowing General Byng to establish himself in
the very shadow of their fortifications if they could hold him off.
The opening was inauspicious, for by some mistake there was an error
of half an hour in starting-time between the two divisions.  As a
result the Guards found themselves on the line of road between Mory
and St. Leger with an open flank and under heavy enfilade fire, which
made many gaps in the ranks of the 1st Grenadiers.  At the same time
the leading tanks were put out of action on that flank.  In the
centre the tanks lost their way in the mist, but the 2nd Scots Guards
pushed ahead in spite of it.  Banks Trench, however, in front of them
was very strongly held and the assault was not pressed.  On the left
the 1st Welsh were in St. Leger Wood, but Croisilles was still
untaken and the advance could not be carried forward as the
machine-guns from this village swept the country.  About 9 A.M. the
enemy buzzed out of the Hindenburg Line and fell upon the Scots
Guards, but were shot back again into their cover.  During these
operations the Guards captured a battery of field-guns.

The Sixty-second West Yorkshire Territorials on the right of the
Guards had an equally arduous day.  They had found the same
difficulties in getting forward, but at 5 P.M. the enemy had the
indiscretion to counter-attack, and when once he masks his own {110}
machine-guns he has ceased to be formidable.  His attack was near
Mory Copse and aimed at the junction between the two divisions, but
it was heavily punished and shredded away to nothing.  About 7 P.M.
he tried another advance upon the right of the Sixty-second Division
and won his way up to the line, but was thrown out again by the 5th
West Ridings and driven eastward once more.  The 186th Brigade,
forming the right of the division, co-operated with the Fourth Corps
in their attack upon Favreuil, which place was captured.

On the evening of August 25 Haldane's Sixth Corps, which had become
somewhat unwieldy in size, was limited to the north on a line just
south of Croisilles, so that the Fifty-second, Fifty-sixth, and
Fifty-seventh Divisions all became Fergusson's Seventeenth Corps,
which was thus thrust between the Sixth Corps and the Canadians, who
had not yet made their presence felt upon this new battle-ground.
The Seventeenth Corps was now the left of the Third Army, and the
Canadians were the right of the First Army.  The immediate task of
both the Sixth and Seventeenth Corps was the hemming in and capture
of Croisilles, and the reoccupation of the old army front line.
August 26 was a quiet day on this front, but on August 27 the Guards
and the Sixty-second Division were ordered forward once more, the
former to attack Ecoust and Longatte, the other to storm
Vaulx-Vraucourt.  The First German Division encountered was easily
driven in.  The second, however, the Thirty-sixth, was made in a
sterner mould and was supported by a strong artillery, large and
small.  The 2nd Grenadiers and 2nd Coldstream in the front line of
the Guards {111} 1st Brigade got forward for nearly a mile on each
flank, but were held up by a withering fire in the centre, so that
the flanks had eventually to come back.  The Fifty-sixth Division of
the Seventeenth Corps had not yet captured Croisilles, from which a
counter-attack was made upon the left flank of the 2nd Coldstream,
which was handsomely repulsed.

On the whole, however, it had been an unsatisfactory day and the
Sixty-second had been equally unable to get forward, so that none of
the objectives had been gained.  The Seventeenth Corps and the
Canadians in the north were both advancing, however, and it was
possible that the position in the south might alter as a consequence.

Such was indeed found to be the case on August 28, for the
Fifty-sixth Division was able this day to get possession of
Croisilles, which eased the situation to the south.  The Guards and
the Sixty-second pushed forwards, following always the line of least
resistance, so that by evening they were 1200 yards forward at some
points, though the right of the Sixty-second Division was still
pinned to its ground.  That evening the Third Division replaced the
Guards, and the same tactics were pursued on the following day.  The
76th Brigade was now in the front line to the south of Croisilles,
with the hard-worked Sixty-second Division still on their right.  A
sugar factory was the chief impediment in front of the latter.  The
right of the division got forward during the day and occupied the old
army trenches.

[Sidenote: August 30.]

August 30 was once again a day of heavy fighting, the Seventeenth and
Sixth Corps, represented by the Fifty-sixth, Third, and Sixty-second
Divisions, closing in upon the Hindenburg Line and {112} attacking
the last villages which covered its front.  The tanks had miscarried,
and the infantry at 5 A.M. had to go forward alone.  On the right the
185th and 186th Brigades of the Sixty-second Division both made good
progress, the obnoxious sugar factory was taken, and though Vaulx
could not be cleared it was partly occupied.  Next day saw the dour
Yorkshiremen still sticking to their point, and fighting with varying
success in and out of the village.  At times they had flooded through
it, and yet again they were beaten back.  By the morning of September
1 the 186th Brigade had possession of Vaulx-Vraucourt and were on the
high ground to the east of the village.  Next morning they had Vaux
Trench as well, but about ten o'clock in the forenoon of September 2
a strong counter sent them reeling back in some disorder.  Gathering
themselves together in grim North Country fashion they went forward
again and cleared Vaulx Wood before evening.  That night, after a
very desperate and costly term of service, the Sixty-second was
relieved by the Second Division.

The experiences of the Third Division from the August 30 attack were
as arduous as those already described.  On that morning the 76th
Brigade, with the Suffolks and Gordons in the lead, got forward well
at the first, though they lost touch with the Londoners to the north.
The Suffolks were on that side and the gap enabled the Germans to get
round to their left rear with disastrous results, as the losses were
heavy and the battalion had to fall back.  The Gordons had to adjust
their line accordingly.  This rebuff had lost most of the ground
which had been gained early in the day.  General Deverell now {113}
sent up the 9th Brigade, as the 76th was much worn, but the 1st
Gordons remained in the fight.

[Sidenote: August 31.]

On August 31 the 9th Brigade attacked the Vraucourt position, with
the 1st Gordons, battle-weary but still indomitable, on the right,
the 4th Royal Fusiliers in the centre, and the 13th King's Liverpools
on the left.  It was known that no less than three new German
divisions had been thrown in, and however the fighting might turn it
was certain that the attrition was going merrily forward.  The
assembly was unfortunately much disturbed by the German barrage,
which fell with particular severity upon the Fusiliers in the centre.
At 5.15 A.M. the line moved forward, but again the luck was against
the Fusiliers, who were opposed by a particularly dangerous
machine-gun nest in a sunken road.  One company endeavoured to rush
it, but all the officers save one, and most of the men, were mown
down.  A tank which endeavoured to help them met with a strange fate,
as a German officer managed, very gallantly, to get upon the top of
it, and firing through the ventilation hole with his revolver, put
the whole crew out of action--a feat for which in the British service
he would certainly have had his V.C.

The Fusiliers were hung up, but the King's on the left had carried
the village of Ecoust, getting in touch with the right of the
Fifty-sixth Division in Bullecourt Avenue.  Many hundreds of the
enemy were taken, but some pockets still remained on the southern
edge of the village, and fired into the flank of the unfortunate
Fusiliers.  The King's then attempted during the long day to throw
out their right flank and get in touch with the left of the Gordons
so as to obliterate the sunken road, which {114} was the centre of
the mischief.  The ground was absolutely open, however, and the fire
commanded it completely.  Under these circumstances Colonel Herbert
of the 1st Northumberland Fusiliers, which was in reserve, suggested
that the attack be postponed until dusk.  This was done, and at 8
P.M. Herbert's men overran the sunken road, capturing the guns.
Ecoust was also completely cleared of the enemy.  So ended this day
of vicissitudes in which the 9th Brigade, with heavy loss, had
struggled through many difficulties and won their victory at the
last.  A further advance during the night by both the 9th and the
76th Brigades straightened the whole line from Ecoust to the south.

[Sidenote: Sept. 1.]

On the morning of September 1 the Fifty-second Division had relieved
the Fifty-sixth Division, both of the Seventeenth Corps, in the
Croisilles sector, and was in close touch with the Third Division to
the south.  Both divisions went forward with no great difficulty at
the appointed hour, the three battalions of the 9th Brigade being all
in the line once more.  The important trench known as Noreuil Switch
was captured in this advance.  It may well seem to the reader that
the gains were tardily and heavily bought at this stage of the
operations, but it is to be always borne in mind that Fergusson and
Haldane in particular were up against the old intricate trench
system, and away from that open fighting which can alone give large
results.  To others there was always some way round, but here there
was an unbroken obstacle which must be frontally attacked and broken
down by pure persistence.  In these operations the new machine-gun
organisation proved to be particularly efficient, and B Company of
the {115} 3rd Battalion Machine-Gun Corps did essential work in
winning the way for the 9th Brigade.  The whole battle was a long
steady contest of endurance, in which the Germans were eventually
worn out by the persistence of their opponents.

[Sidenote: Sept. 2.]

The advance was renewed along this area on September 2, the object of
the Fifty-second Division being to encircle Quéant from the south and
west, while that of the Third and Sixty-second Divisions was to gain
the east of Lagnicourt and the high ground east of Morchies.  The
fortunes of the Sixty-second Division have already been briefly
described.  On the front of the Third Division the 8th Brigade,
strengthened by one battalion from each of the other brigades, took
up the heavy task, the 7th Shropshires, 2nd Royal Scots, and 1st
Scots Fusiliers forming from right to left the actual line of battle.
The last-named battalion by a happy chance joined up on the left with
its own 5th Battalion in the Fifty-second Division.  They assembled
under heavy shelling, some of which necessitated the use of
box-respirators.  No sooner had the advance begun than the Shropshire
men came under machine-gun fire and lost the three tanks which led
them.  They had gained some ground, but were first brought to a halt
and then compelled to retire.  In the centre the Royal Scots took
Noreuil, which was found to be lightly held.  In attempting to get on
to the east of this village they found the trenches strongly manned
and the fire, both of rifles and machine-guns, so murderous that it
was impossible to get forward.  The Scots Fusiliers were also faced
with strong resistance, including a belt of wire.  Three company and
eight platoon commanders were down before this obstacle {116} and the
sunken road behind it were crossed.  Without the aid of tanks the
depleted battalion moved on under very heavy fire, and eventually
halted in a line with the Royal Scots on their right.  To the right
of these, as already shown, the Sixty-second Division had also been
brought to a stand.  A formidable trench, called in the old British
days Macaulay Avenue, barred the way and had only been reached by a
few of the assailants.  It is a fact, however, that Lieutenant R. R.
MacGregor of the Scots Fusiliers with five men did force their way in
upon this morning, and tenaciously held on to their position until
after dark, forming just that little nucleus of determined men by
whom great battles are so often won.

There was a momentary check, but it was retrieved by Captain Nagle's
company of the 2nd Suffolks, who charged with two companies of the
Royal Scots and won a section of the trench.  The utmost difficulty
was experienced by the Brigadier in keeping in touch with the action,
as the ground was so exposed that nearly every runner sent back from
the front line was killed or wounded.  Colonel Henderson came
forward, therefore, about three o'clock and reorganised his
dispositions, with the result that before evening the line had been
straightened and advanced, with the capture of many prisoners and
machine-guns.  Meanwhile Quéant to the north had been captured by the
Fifty-second Division, and the whole German system of defence was
weakening and crumbling, the Seventeenth Corps strongly co-operating
with the Canadians upon their left.  The enemy's purpose during all
this very hard contest was to sacrifice his rearguards if necessary,
in order to cover {117} the retreat of his main body across the Canal
du Nord.  There were few more difficult problems in local fighting
during the whole war than how to carry these successive positions,
bravely held and bristling with machine-guns.  That it was finally
done was a great achievement upon the part both of those who
commanded and those who obeyed.  Colonel Vickery's guns, covering the
infantry, had much to do with the final success.  How great that
success was could only be judged upon the following morning when the
new divisions which had taken over the front, the Guards on the left
and the Second on the right, found that all the kick had been taken
out of the Germans, and that a substantial advance could be made with
little loss.

Neither the Guards nor the Third Division encountered serious
opposition upon September 3, and a steady, if cautious, forward
movement went on all day.  The Seventeenth Corps upon the left had
turned south in order to clear Mœuvres and Tadpole Copse.  By
midday the Second Division had cleared both Hermies and Demicourt.
Before evening the 2nd Guards Brigade was in the old British front
line, which was held during the night.  The Canal du Nord was just
ahead, and it was realised that this would mark what the Germans
intended to make their permanent line.  It was all-important to push
the rearguard across it and to get any bridges with their eastern
exits, if it were in any way possible.

[Sidenote: Sept. 4-12.]

The advance on September 4 was resumed in the face of some sporadic
opposition, but by the evening of the 6th the enemy was all across
the Canal, and the Sixth Corps was awaiting developments elsewhere.
On September 11 steps were {118} taken, however, to get into striking
position for the final fracture of the Hindenburg Line, in view of
which it was necessary to gain the Hindenburg front system west of
the Canal.  On September 12 the main attack was delivered, though on
September 11 the Second Division had secured the western ends of the
Canal crossings.  The centre of the new operation was the attack upon
Havrincourt by Braithwaite's Sixty-second Division.  This operation
was carried out by the 186th and 187th Brigades, the pioneer
battalion, 9th Durham Light Infantry, being attached to the former,
while eight brigades of field-guns and three groups of heavies lent
their formidable assistance.  The right of the Sixty-second was in
close touch with the Thirty-seventh Division, which was attacking
Trescault.  The advance of both brigades was uninterrupted, though
strongly opposed.  The 2/4th Hants and 5th West Ridings on the right,
and the 2/4th York and Lancasters with the 5th Yorkshire Light
Infantry on the left, trampled down all opposition.  The individual
is almost lost to sight in the scale of such operations, but a
sentence must be devoted to Sergeant Calvert of the last-named
battalion, who attacked two machine-guns, bayoneted four and shot
three of the crews, taking the rest prisoners.  At 7.30, the western
edge of the village of Havrincourt had fallen, but the fortified
château on the south, in the area of the 186th Brigade, still held
its own.  It was attacked by the 2/4th West Riding Battalion, who had
a most difficult task in the tangled gardens which surrounded the
house.  At the same time the 2/4th Hants pushed into the village and
fought their way right through it.  They had to sustain a heavy
counter-attack delivered about {119} 7 in the evening by the
Twentieth Hanoverian Division, supported by a flight of low-flying
aeroplanes.  This attack was broken up with great loss by the steady
fire of the men of Hampshire and Yorkshire.

[Sidenote: Sept. 13-14.]

In the early morning of September 13 the village was strongly
attacked by the enemy, who effected a lodgment in the cemetery and
pushed back the British line for 200 yards.  A fine return was made
by the 5th Devons of the 185th Brigade, who cleared the village once
again.  Two of the divisional machine-guns held out close to the
posts occupied by the Germans--so close that the sergeant in charge
shot the battalion leader of the enemy with his revolver.  From this
time the Sixty-second were left in possession of Havrincourt, which
they had thus won for the second time, since it was carried by them
in the Cambrai battle of November 20, 1917.  General Braithwaite, who
was the victor upon each occasion, remarked that if his men had to
take it a third time they should, on the cup-tie principle, be
allowed to keep it for ever.

[Sidenote: Sept. 14-27.]

Meanwhile the Second Division on the left had made its way slowly but
without any serious check as far as London Trench, which brought them
nearly level with the Sixty-second, while the Thirty-seventh in the
south had captured Trescault and were also well up to the Hindenburg
Line.  There was no further serious fighting for several days on this
front save that the 185th Brigade advanced its line to Triangle Wood
on the morning of September 14.  This attack was carried out by the
2/20th Londons and was completely successful, as was their subsequent
defence against a brisk counter-attack.  On September 16 the
Sixty-second Division was {120} relieved by the Third, and the Second
Division by the Guards.  There was no further fighting until
September 18, that general day of battle, when a very severe German
attack was made about 6 o'clock in the evening, which covered the
whole front of the Third Division and involved the left of the
Thirty-seventh Division in the area of the Fourth Corps.  After a
heavy bombardment there was a determined advance of infantry, having
the recapture of Havrincourt for its objective.  A number of
low-flying aeroplanes helped the German infantry.  The attack fell
chiefly upon the 1st Scots Fusiliers and 2nd Royal Scots, and some
gain was effected by a rush of bombers aided by flame-throwers, but
they were finally held and eventually driven back, while 100
prisoners were retained.  C Company of the Royal Scots particularly
distinguished itself in this action, forming a solid nucleus of
resistance round which the whole defence was organised.  Nothing
further of importance occurred until September 27, the day of the
general advance, in this northern portion of the British line.

[Sidenote: August 21.]

In order to complete this account of the doings of Byng's Third Army
from August 21 onwards, some account must now be given of what was
originally the central unit, Harper's Fourth Corps, though its
general progress has already been roughly defined by the detailed
description of the two Corps on its flanks.

The first task set for this Corps on August 21 was to capture the
general line between Irles in the south and Bihucourt in the north,
while the flank of this main attack was to be guarded by a subsidiary
advance along the valley of the Ancre, and between Puisieux and
Miraumont.  The first objective of the {121} main attack was Bucquoy,
Ablainzeville, and the important high ground to the immediate east of
these villages.

The advance commenced in a thick mist, and was undertaken in the case
of the main attack by Williams' Thirty-seventh English Division.  It
was completely successful, and aided by the fire of six heavy and
fifteen field brigades of artillery, it swept over its first
objectives, the tanks helping materially to break down the
opposition.  The moral effect of a tank in a fog can be pictured by
the least imaginative.  Two field-guns and many lighter pieces were
taken.  The veteran Fifth Division on the right and the Sixty-third
Naval Division on the left then passed through the ranks of the
Thirty-seventh to enlarge the opening that they had made, carrying
the advance on to the limit of the field artillery barrage, and
halting at last just west of Achiet-le-Petit.  The naval men met with
a blaze of machine-gun fire from the edge of Logeast Wood, but they
rooted out the nests and occupied the position, though the passage
through the tangled brushwood and trees disorganised the units, and
progress became slow.  The railway line ran right across the front,
and this, as usual, had become a formidable and continuous obstacle,
which could not be turned.  The reserve brigade of the Fifth Division
on the right carried Achiet-le-Petit, but could not get over the
railway.  The Sixty-third was also unable to reach the railway, and
found a considerable concentration of Germans opposite to them in the
brickworks and cemetery west of Achiet-le-Grand.  The tanks had
wandered off in the mist, and for the moment the advance had reached
its limit.  Many of the tanks, as the mist lifted, were hit {122} by
the anti-tank guns of the enemy, though some most gallantly crossed
the railway line and penetrated the German positions, doing such harm
as they could, until they were eventually destroyed.

Meanwhile, the subsidiary attack on the right flank had also been
successful up to a point.  The New Zealanders on the immediate south
of the Fifth Division had gone forward in their usual workman-like
fashion, and had taken Puisieux.  Upon their right, and next to the
Fifth Corps who were beginning their arduous crossing of the Ancre,
was the Forty-second Division (Solly-Flood), an ex-Palestine unit of
Lancashire Territorials which had won laurels in the March fighting.
It had come away with a flying start, and had got as far as the
important point named Beauregard Dovecote.  There it remained until
the early morning of August 22, when the enemy regained it by a
spirited attack from a new division.  The total effect of the day's
work along the whole front of the Fourth Corps had been the capture
of 1400 prisoners, of a number of guns, and of an extent of ground
which was important, though less than had been hoped for.  The main
resistance had always been the railway, and the German guns behind
it, so that to that extent his line was really inviolate.  Indeed
from his point of view the whole work of the Third Army on that date
might be represented as an attack upon a false front, the real
position remaining intact.

[Sidenote: August 22.]

The enemy was by no means abashed, and early in the morning of August
22 he showed that he did not propose to surrender the field until he
had fought to regain it.  At dawn the Fifty-second German Division
deployed through Miraumont and fell upon the left of the Fifth
Division in one direction, and {123} the Forty-second in the other.
As already stated they succeeded in driving back the latter, and
Beauregard Dovecote remained as a prize of victory.  Some three
hundred Germans pushed through between Third the Fifth Division and
the New Zealanders, but were at once attacked by a party of the 1st
Devons, assisted by some of the New Zealanders.  Corporal Onions of
the Devons showed great initiative in this affair, which ended in the
capture of the whole of the intruders.  He received the V.C. for his
gallantry.

It was a day of reaction, for the Sixty-third Division in the north
was strongly attacked, and was at one time pushed as far as Logeast
Wood.  They rallied however and came back, but failed to regain the
railway at Achiet-le-Grand.  Early in the morning of August 23 the
Beauregard Dovecote was finally captured by units of the Forty-second
and New Zealanders, the enemy falling back to Miraumont.  About the
same hour in the morning the Sixth Corps in the north had taken
Gomiecourt as already described, which strengthened the general
position.

[Sidenote: August 23.]

Early on August 23 the Thirty-seventh Division came up on the left
and relieved the Naval Division.  Guns had been pushed into position,
so at 11 o'clock in the forenoon it was possible to deliver a strong
attack under an adequate barrage upon the line of the railway.  The
result was a complete success, in spite of the formidable nature of
the defences.  The imperturbable English infantry flooded over every
obstacle, took its inevitable losses with its usual good humour, and
established itself upon the farther side of the position, while the
tanks, taking advantage of a level crossing, burst through and did
very great work.  Both Achiet-le-Grand and Bihucourt fell to {124}
the Thirty-seventh Division, while the Fifth captured the high ground
overlooking Irles, and subsequently pushed on eastwards as far as
Loupart Wood.  Since Miraumont was still German the flank of
Ponsonby's Division was scourged by the machine-guns, and an attempt
by the Forty-second Division to relieve the pressure by taking the
village had no success, but the Fifth maintained all its gains in
spite of the heavy enfilading fire.  In this fine operation the
Thirty-seventh Division alone captured 1150 prisoners.  There were
signs, however, of German reaction, especially on the southern flank,
where a new division, the Third Naval, had been brought into line.

[Sidenote: August 23, 24.]

August 24 was another day of victory.  The New Zealanders passed
through the depleted ranks of the Fifth Division and made good not
only the whole of Loupart Wood, but also Grevillers to the north-east
of it.  An even more useful bit of work was the storming of Miraumont
by the Forty-second Division in the south.  This village, which had
been nearly surrounded by the advance on the flanks, gave up 500
prisoners and several guns.  The Forty-second continued its career of
victory to Pys, which they took, and were only stopped eventually by
the machine-guns at Warlencourt.  This advance greatly relieved the
situation on the right flank, which had been a cause for anxiety, and
it also, by winning a way to the Ancre, solved the water problem,
which had been a difficult one.  This day of continued victorious
advance was concluded by the occupation of Biefvillers by the united
action of the Thirty-seventh and of the New Zealanders.

[Sidenote: August 25, 26.]

At 5 A.M. upon August 25 the advance was {125} resumed, with the
Sixty-third Division on the right, the New Zealanders in the centre,
and the Thirty-seventh on the left.  The naval men found a head wind
from the first, for the Germans were holding Le Barque and Thilloy in
great strength.  No great progress could be made.  On the left the
New Zealanders and the Thirty-seventh both reached the very definite
line of the Bapaume-Arras Road, where they were held by very heavy
fire from Bapaume on the right and Favreuil on the left.  The
splendid Thirty-seventh, with some assistance from the New Zealanders
on their south, rushed the wood and village of Favreuil and helped to
beat off a German counter-attack by the fresh Hundred and eleventh
Division, which was so mauled by aircraft and artillery that it never
looked like reaching its objective.  Many dead and some abandoned
guns marked the line of its retirement.

On August 26 these indefatigable troops were still attacking.  It was
indeed a most marvellous display of tenacity and will-power.  The
general idea was to encircle Bapaume from the north and to reach the
Cambrai Road.  In this the Fifth Division and the New Zealanders were
successful, the former reaching Beugnatre, while the latter got as
far as the road, but sustained such losses from machine-gun fire that
they could not remain there.  In the south Thilloy still barred the
advance of the Naval Division, which was again repulsed on August 27,
when they attacked after a heavy bombardment.  There was a pause at
this period as the troops were weary and the supplies had been
outdistanced.  On August 28 the Sixty-third left the Fourth Corps and
the Forty-Second took over their line and repeated their {126}
experience, having a setback before Thilloy.  On August 29 there was
a general withdrawal of the German rearguards, the whole opposition
dissolved, Thilloy fell to the Forty-second Division, and the New
Zealanders had the honour of capturing Bapaume.  Up to this time the
advance of the Fourth Corps had yielded 100 guns and 6800 prisoners.

[Sidenote: August 28-31.]

On August 30 the whistles were sounding once more and the whole
British line was rolling eastwards.  It will mark its broader front
if we say that on this date the Fifth Corps on the right was in front
of Beaulencourt, while the Sixth Corps on the left had taken Vaulx,
Vraucourt.  The Forty-second Division on this day was unable to hold
Riencourt, but the rest of the line got well forward, always fighting
but always prevailing, until in the evening they were east of
Bancourt and Frémicourt, and close to Beugny.  Always it was the same
programme, the exploring fire, the loose infantry advance, the
rapping machine-guns, the quick concentration and rush--occasionally
the summoning of tanks or trench mortars when the strong point was
obstinate.  So the wave passed slowly but surely on.

On August 31 the Germans, assisted by three tanks, made a strong
attack upon the New Zealanders, and a small force pushed in between
them and the Fifth Division.  They were surrounded, however, a German
battalion commander was shot and some sixty of his men were taken.
The whole line was restored.  On this day the Lancashire men on the
right took Riencourt with some prisoners and a battery of guns.

[Sidenote: Sept. 2-9.]

September 2 was a day of hard battle and of victory, the three Corps
of General Byng's Army {127} attempting to gain the general line
Barastre-Haplincourt-Le Bucquière.  The Forty-second Division
captured Villers-au-Flos and advanced east of it, while the New
Zealanders made good the ridge between there and Beugny.  Some 600
prisoners were taken.  There was some very fierce fighting round
Beugny in which the Fifth Division lost six tanks and many men with
no particular success.  The place was afterwards abandoned.

The British line was now drawing close to the Hindenburg position,
and the Fourth Corps like all the others was conscious of the
increased effort which the Germans were making in order to prevent
the attackers from gaining all the outlying posts, and being able to
carry the main line before every preparation had been made for its
defence.  For several days there were wrestles for this position or
that, which culminated on September 9 in a very sharp tussle between
the New Zealanders and a German Jaeger Division at African Trench on
the ridge west of Gouzeaucourt.  It was a very desperate fight, which
some of the old New Zealanders declared to have been the most intense
and close which they had experienced since they met the Turks at
Gallipoli--a compliment to the Jaeger, but somewhat a reflection upon
other units of the German army.  In the end the New Zealanders were
unable to hold African Trench and had to be content with African
Support.  The Fifth Division shared in this fighting.  This
engagement was part of a local co-operation in an attack made by the
Fifth Corps in the south.

[Sidenote: Sept. 12-18.]

On September 12 there was a combined attack, which has already been
mentioned, by which the Fourth and Sixth Corps should capture
Trescault Spur and {128} Havrincourt.  It will be remembered that the
latter was captured by the Sixty-second Yorkshire Division.  The New
Zealanders advanced upon the Spur, where they met with very vigorous
opposition from their old enemies, the Jaeger, who fought with great
tenacity.  The Thirty-seventh Division turned the Spur from the
south, however, capturing both Trescault and Bilhem.  Two guns and
500 prisoners were captured.  On September 18 the Fifth Division
together with the Welsh Division of the Fifth Corps undertook a local
operation against African Trench, but the indefatigable German Jaeger
still remained masters of the situation.  At 5.20 P.M. on that day
the initiative passed to the enemy, who broke suddenly into a very
heavy bombardment, followed by a furious attack upon the left of the
Thirty-seventh Division.  It made some progress at first and the
British losses were heavy, especially in the case of the 1st Herts, a
battalion which has many times shown great steadiness and gallantry.
Lieutenant Young of this unit rallied his men and counter-attacked at
a critical moment, dying single-handed amid the German ranks but
winning a posthumous V.C.

We have now brought the record of the Fourth Corps level with that of
the Fifth to the south and of the Sixth to the north.  It is
necessary to give some fuller account of the Seventeenth Corps which
had been formed on the left of the Sixth.  This will complete the
account of General Byng's operations with his Third Army from their
inception on August 21 until the eve of the great general battle
which was to break out at the end of September.

[Sidenote: August 25.]

It has already been stated that on August 25 Sir Charles Fergusson's
Seventeenth Corps was {129} formed on the left of General Byng's
Third Army and became the northern unit in that force, having the
Sixth Corps on its right and the Canadian Corps on its left.  It
contained at first three divisions, the Fifty-second (Hill),
Fifty-sixth (Hull), and Fifty-seventh (Barnes).  Two of these had
already been heavily engaged in the new advance before becoming part
of the Seventeenth Corps.  Indeed on the day preceding the entrance
of the Corps into the line, the evening of August 24, the Fifty-sixth
Division had attacked the Hindenburg Line at Summit Trench and Hill
Switch, near Croisilles, without effect.  They had now established
themselves near their objective and were waiting orders to try again.

The Fifty-second Division, one of the fine units which had been
released from Palestine owing to the reinforcements of Indian troops
in that country, had also tried for the Hindenburg Line and taken a
bit of it upon August 24, but they had found it too hot to hold.
They were now lying low on the western borders of Henin Hill, hoping
to co-operate with the Canadians of the First Army on their left at
some later date.  A line of British divisions was now crouching in
front of Hindenburg's bars all ready for a spring.

In the new attack it was planned that the Fifty-sixth Londoners
should co-operate with the Sixth Corps on their right, and clear the
village of Croisilles by outflanking it, while the Fifty-second
Division should work on the north of the Cojeul stream in close touch
with the big Canadian attack, advancing towards
Fontaine-les-Croisilles.  The effect of these movements would be that
the portion of the Hindenburg Line which faced the Seventeenth {130}
Corps would be attacked from the rear instead of the front.

[Sidenote: August 26.]

On August 26 at 3 A.M. the Canadians went forward, as will be told
under the head of their operations.  The Fifty-second Division kept
its place on their right flank, working up along the Cojeul River,
and carrying all the objectives allotted to them.  By 10.35 A.M.
their task had been completed and they were still in close touch with
the Canadians.  In the afternoon the 155th Brigade on the extreme
left, consisting of Scottish Territorials, attacked Henin Hill from
the north-west, capturing a succession of machine-gun positions.  The
crews of these guns got--and indeed accepted--little quarter,
fighting staunchly to the last.  By 4 o'clock the Fifty-second
Division was well into the Hindenburg Line from the Cojeul
northwards; and by 5 o'clock the 155th Brigade was across Henin Hill,
moving south-east.  The whole of this very important position was now
in British possession, though there were pockets of the enemy
scattered here and there who were holding out to the last.  The
Fifty-sixth Division on the right was still in front of Croisilles,
sending out occasional patrols which reported that the village was
still strongly held.  Its orders were to maintain pressure but not to
advance until the development of the movement in the north should
shake the enemy's resistance.

[Sidenote: August 27, 28.]

On August 27 Croisilles and the strong trenches around it were kept
under bombardment.  The Fifty-sixth Division began to thrust forward
its left flank, and made some progress, but was eventually held by
very heavy fire from the south.  At midday the Fifty-second Division
was driving down from the north, {131} getting to the Sensée River
about Fontaine and endeavouring to help the left of the Fifty-sixth
Division by moving along the Hindenburg Line.  This was partly
accomplished, but it was impossible for the Fifty-sixth to get ahead
as the troops on their right in the Ledger Trenches had also been
held up.  That evening the Fifty-second Division after a fine term of
service was drawn out and the Fifty-seventh took its place.

Early on August 28 it was evident that the scheme for pinching out
Croisilles had been successful.  At 8 A.M. a contact aeroplane
reported the village to be empty, and at 8.30 the London patrols were
in the main street.  There now lay Bullecourt in front of the
Fifty-sixth, and Hendecourt and Riencourt in front of the
Fifty-seventh Division.  At 12.30 the attack was in full swing, lines
of the gallant Territorials of London and Lancashire streaming across
the low dun-coloured curves which are cut by the famous trenches.  It
was a long uphill fight, but by 4.30 in the afternoon the 169th
Brigade, containing the London Rifle Brigade, the 2nd Londons, and
the Westminsters, had fought their way into Bullecourt.  There they
were held, however, for there were numerous pockets of Germans in
their rear, and the machine-guns pelted them from every side, while
the village was far from clear.  The 167th Brigade on the right had
also been held up by machine-guns, all three battalions, the 1st
London and the 7th and 8th Middlesex, having heavy losses and being
forced back for a time.  The Fifty-seventh Division on the left of
the line encountered the same desperate resistance, which could only
have been overcome by troops who would take no denial.  Hendecourt
was not reached, but all the {132} gains of the morning were held as
a basis for a future advance.  The liaison on either flank with the
Sixth Corps and the Canadians was complete.  It had been a day of
very hard and expensive fighting and of no very marked success.

[Sidenote: August 29.]

The battle was renewed about midday on August 29, the morning having
been devoted to repulverising the powder-heap of Bullecourt with
heavy artillery, and to clearing up some of the pockets in the
immediate front of the advance.  The Fifty-sixth Division advanced
once more, the 168th Brigade having taken the right of the line.  The
machine-guns were still very destructive, and the right and centre
were held up, though the left made some progress.  The general result
was to get the British line all round Bullecourt, but the village
itself was still defiant.  The Fifty-seventh Division on the left had
another day of desperate fighting, in which the Lancashire
Territorials showed their usual valour.  At 4.30 some of them had got
through Hendecourt and had penetrated, with great difficulty and
suffering heavily, into Riencourt.  It was afterwards found that some
ardent spirits had even forced their way into the Drocourt-Quéant
line, and left their dead there as a proof for those who followed
after.  The line in the evening was the western outskirts of
Hendecourt, where they were in touch with the right of the Canadian
Division.

[Sidenote: August 30.]

At 5 A.M. on the morning of August 30 the Germans, who had a
perfectly clear vision of the fact that the loss of the Hindenburg
Line must entail the loss of the war, attacked in great force along
the general line Ecoust-Bullecourt-Hendecourt, and made some
considerable dents in the British front, {133} especially at
Bullecourt, which had to be evacuated.  The Fifty-seventh were pushed
back to the line of the Hendecourt-Bullecourt Road, and abandoned the
ruins of an old factory, which is a marked position.  This attack
corresponds with the one already detailed when the Third Division
were driven out of Ecoust, and it is heavy weather indeed when the
Third Division begins to make leeway.  The Fifty-sixth tried very
gallantly to regain Bullecourt by a bombing attack, but it could not
be done.  The Germans got a footing in Hendecourt, but could not
clear it, and the evening saw the Lancashire Territorials and their
enemy at close grips among the ruins.

On the morning of August 31 the indefatigable Londoners attacked once
more, the 4th Londons, London Scottish, and Kensingtons of the 168th
Brigade carrying on the work.  The factory was soon retaken and so
was the Station Redoubt, but Bullecourt itself, squirting flames from
every cranny, was still inviolate.  On the right the Third Division
had recaptured Ecoust, which relieved the general situation.  The
British bombers got into Bullecourt in the afternoon and before
evening they had made good the greater part of the ruins, a handful
of Germans still clinging manfully to the eastern edge.  That night
the Fifty-second came to the front and relieved the Fifty-sixth.  In
the five days' battle the London division had lost 123 officers and
2600 men.  On the other hand they had captured 29 officers and over a
thousand men, while they had inflicted very heavy losses upon the
enemy.

[Sidenote: Sept. 1.]

September 1 saw this long-drawn battle still in full progress.  There
is nothing more amazing than the way in which the British divisions
at this stage {134} of the war without reinforcements carried on the
fight from day to day as though they were sustained by some prophetic
vision of the imminent victory which was so largely the result of
their heroic efforts.  With the early morning the Fifty-seventh
Division was into Hendecourt, and before seven o'clock the 171st
Brigade had completely cleared the village and joined hands with the
Canadians on the farther side.  There was a great deal of actual
bayonet work in this assault, and Lancashire came out triumphant.  On
the right the Fifty-second Division had a busy morning in clearing
out the dug-outs and cellars of Bullecourt.  In the afternoon they
advanced eastwards and cleared another 500 yards of ground, when they
came under very heavy fire from Noreuil on their right flank.  The
155th Brigade was lashed with a pelting rain of bullets, one
battalion, the 4th Scots Borderers, losing 10 officers and 140 men in
a few minutes.  The advance was continued, however, until Tank
Avenue, the immediate objective, was reached and cleared.  It was a
splendid example of indomitable perseverance.

The 171st Brigade, which was still advancing on the left, had also
undergone the torment of the machine-guns, but some skilful flanking
movements by supporting platoons enabled progress to be made and the
German posts soon surrendered when there was a danger of being
surrounded.  Riencourt fell, and by 6.30 the extreme objectives had
been gained and touch established on either flank.

The success of this spirited attack, with the heavy losses inflicted,
seemed to have cowed the enemy before the Fifty-seventh Division, for
the night passed quietly on that front, which was very helpful in
allowing {135} the preparations to go forward for the considerable
operation planned for next morning.

[Sidenote: Sept. 2.]

September 2 was the date for the main attack by the First Army upon
the Drocourt-Quéant line south of the Scarpe, to which all the
fighting which has been detailed was but a preliminary.  The rôle
assigned to the Seventeenth Corps was to co-operate with the
Canadians by thrusting forward their left flank so as to gain
position for an attack upon Quéant from the north.  The Sixth Corps
on their right was ordered to attack Morchies and Lagnicourt and then
push forward vigorously towards Beaumetz.  The First Canadian
Division, with Gagnicourt for its objective, was on the immediate
left of the Seventeenth Corps.  The orders to the Seventeenth Corps
were that the Fifty-seventh Division should support the Canadian
attack, that the Fifty-second Division should conform to the
movements of the Fifty-seventh on its left and of the Third on its
right, and finally that the Sixty-third Naval Division, now added to
the Corps, should move up in support and improve whatever advantages
were gained.

At 5 A.M. the barrage fell and the troops moved forward upon one of
the critical battles of the war.  The grand part played by the
Canadians in the north is described elsewhere.  The 172nd Brigade of
the Fifty-seventh Division advanced splendidly towards the gap which
had been formed, a storm of gas shells bursting among their stolid
ranks.  The leading battalion, the 1st Munster Fusiliers, followed
the men of the Dominion through the breach which they had made in the
Drocourt-Quéant switch, and then according to plan swung sharply to
the right, smashing their way with bomb and bayonet down the whole
line of {136} the German position and so clearing the front for their
comrades.  It was a fine exploit and worthy of the great battalion
which carried it out.  They were strongly counter-attacked at the
moment when, panting and weary, they had reached their full
objective, and yet they retained sufficient vitality to drive back
the German stormers.

Other elements of the 172nd Brigade had worked south on the right of
the Munsters, and got forward as far as Possum Lane, so that they
formed a useful defensive flank on the left of the Fifty-second
Division.  Meanwhile the 171st Brigade had advanced directly from
Riencourt Ridge and had cleared up the trenches opposite, which were
enfiladed by their comrades.

The Sixty-third Division was now brought forward to play its part,
with the 188th Brigade, consisting of Ansons, Marines, and Royal
Irish, in the van.  At 9 A.M. it passed through the left of the
Fifty-seventh Division about a mile south of Gagnicourt.  From this
point it was continually advancing during the day, being in touch
with the First Canadians on the left and with the Fifty-seventh on
the right.  By nine in the evening it was seated firmly in the
Hindenburg Line.  The switch line of Drocourt-Quéant had been
ruptured as early as 8 in the morning, which was the signal for the
Fifty-second Division on the south to advance upon the main
Hindenburg Line south-west of Quéant.  The 156th Brigade was in the
van.  Some few parties reached the main objective, but by 10 o'clock
the advance had been suspended, as operations had not yet progressed
sufficiently elsewhere.  The Fifty-second continued, however, to
exert pressure at the point of junction between {137} the switch and
the Hindenburg support line.  All day progress was being made in
proportion as the attack drove down from the north, so that by 3 P.M.
the front line had been cleared, and before midnight the whole of the
German defences, a perfect maze of trenches and wire, were in the
hands of the British infantry.  At this hour patrols had penetrated
into Quéant and found it clear.  Such was the close, so far as the
Seventeenth Corps was concerned, of one of the most decisive days'
fighting in the whole of the war.  Late that night the tireless
Sixty-third Division had reached Pronville, where they added more
prisoners to their considerable captures.  Altogether about a
thousand were taken by the Corps during the day, with a large amount
of material.

September 3 saw the Sixty-third Division still adding to its gains.
In the morning it occupied Tadpole Copse and advanced upon the Canal
du Nord.  It then captured Inchy, but was held up in front of
Mœuvres by strong enemy rearguards.  This marked a definite line
of equilibrium which was maintained until the general dispositions of
the Army allowed a further advance.  For a considerable time the only
fighting upon this Corps front was in connection with Mœuvres, a
village which remained as a sort of No Man's Land until, on September
19, a spirited attack by the 155th Scottish Brigade of the
Fifty-second Division put it finally into British hands.  After this
there was quiet on the left flank of the Third Army until the great
operations at the end of the month.




{138}

CHAPTER V

THE ADVANCE OF HORNE'S FIRST ARMY

From August 26 to September 27

The indefatigable Fifty-first Division--Capture of Greenland
Hill--Fine advance of the Canadians--Breaking of the Drocourt-Quéant
line--Fine work of the Sixty-third Naval Division--Great day for the
Dominion--Demeanour of German prisoners.


On August 8 Rawlinson had attacked on the south with the Fourth Army.
On August 22 Byng followed on his left with the Third Army.  Four
days later Horne took it up in turn south of the Scarpe with his
First Army.  The general function of that Army was to co-operate with
the attack of the Third Army on its right, and to cover the flank of
that Army from the north.  Therefore the First and Eighth Corps stood
fast, while the Canadians, who had been brought up from the southern
sector, advanced.  They formed the right unit of the First Army, and
were in touch to the south with Fergusson's newly formed Seventeenth
Corps, which was the left unit of the Third Army.  As only the
Canadians were seriously engaged up to the end of September the
narrative of the First Army can be easily summarised.  It will be
necessary first to explain some preliminary operations.  After its
return from its hard fighting in the French line, where it had
co-operated {139} with the Sixty-second Division in attacking the
great German salient upon the Ardres, the famous Fifty-first Highland
Division had only a few days' rest before it was in action once more.
It was now placed on the north bank of the Scarpe in the Arras
sector, The 170th Brigade of the Fifty-seventh Lancashire Territorial
Division lay to the south of the stream, and this was placed under
the command of Carter-Campbell, General of the Fifty-first, so that
he had four brigades under him, with instructions to advance along
the line of the river, as opportunity served, in order to screen the
left of the attack now about to break out in the south.
Carter-Campbell covered from Feuchy in the south to the east of
Bailleul, about 8000 yards.

It was known that the enemy was withdrawing its advanced positions in
front of the Army, and it was therefore very necessary for
Fergusson's Seventeenth Corps to keep in touch with the Germans in
that region.  With this object in view the 170th Brigade in
conjunction with the Fifteenth Division on their right moved along
the south bank of the river to seize the advanced German trenches.
This was done at 1 A.M. of August 19, when a considerable stretch of
ground was occupied with little opposition.  An endeavour to increase
their gains on the next night was met by a sharp counter-attack.  On
the same night two brigades of the Fifty-first Division pushed
forwards north of the river, but met with very strong resistance.  On
August 20 there was another German attack upon Moray Trench, south of
the Scarpe, but the Lancashire men broke it up by artillery and
rifle-fire.  By 9 P.M., however, the 170th Brigade were ordered back
from their {140} advanced position, having been badly harried all
day.  On August 24 in the early morning the Fifty-seventh Division
advanced with good results, the 153rd Brigade capturing Pippin Trench
and other important points.  The 152nd Brigade lay to the immediate
west of Fampoux, and did not move, but the advance was again carried
on upon the left on August 25 with some gain of ground.

[Sidenote: August 26.]

Meanwhile the Canadian Corps had quietly taken the place of
Fergusson's Seventeenth Corps to the south of the Scarpe, pushing
them to the south, and all was ready for the big battle which broke
out on August 26, and was a continuation to the north of the large
movement already going on down the line.  In this important attack,
the Third Canadian Division was on the left, and the Second on the
right, the two of them bridging the space between the Scarpe and the
left of the Third Army.  It was stated by prisoners that the attack
had been foreseen, and that they had withdrawn 2000 yards the day
before.  However that may be, everything went very well, and the men
of the Dominion showed their usual determined valour.  The 7th and
8th Canadian Brigades, just south of the river, swept along with
hardly a check, save for a time when the 8th was held up behind
Orange Hill.  At 7.35, Monchy, important as a place of observation,
was in British hands once more.  At 10.45, the 4th Canadian Brigade
had captured GuGuémappemappe, and in the afternoon, Wancourt Ridge
had also fallen to the Second Canadian Division.  Here, as elsewhere,
a single day had given what weeks of effort had once failed to
achieve; 2000 prisoners were taken.

On the north bank, the Fifty-first Division, which {141} was now part
of the Canadian Corps, made a similar advance, both the 152nd and
153rd Brigades sweeping forward, and occupying Rœux, Gavrelle and
the Chemical Works, with little opposition.  The Eighth Division was
to the north of the Fifty-first, and it also pushed forward its line,
its patrols occupying Oppy after dusk.

The Eighth Division, reconstituted under its veteran commander,
General Heneker, after its murderous and heroic experience upon the
Aisne, was the right-hand unit of Hunter-Weston's Eighth Corps, which
was the next unit of the First Army.  The front of this Corps was
formed by the Twentieth Division in the north and the Eighth in the
south, and its rôle at this period was to stand fast, but by a
succession of well-conducted enterprises the Eighth Division was
continually encroaching upon the German lines.  Presently, as will be
seen, when the line was advanced on the south, the Eighth Corps was
unleashed and sprang forward in combination with the general advance
on either flank.  On its left, and following its general movements,
was Holland's First Corps, which was allotted, after September 20, to
the Fifth Army, so that instead of being Horne's northern unit it
became the southern Corps of Birdwood.

[Sidenote: August 27, 28.]

On August 27 the Canadians went forward once more, the 9th Brigade on
the left near the river, while the 4th and 5th were on the right.
Again there was a day of steady advance, which was rather a slow
pursuit than a battle.  In the evening the line ran east of Cherisy,
but west of Pelves and Haucourt.  In the north the Fifty-first
Division attacked Greenland Hill, which was a most important piece of
high {142} ground--so important that it may be said to be the point
on which the whole great advance to the Canal du Nord pivoted.  The
attack was delivered with great spirit by the 7th Gordons and 6th
Black Watch of the 153rd Brigade, but they were unable to get the
summit; while the 6th Seaforths to the south of them were also held
up by machine-gun fire.  Some advance was made, however, by the 154th
Brigade, which had now come in on the north of the line.  That night
the 25th Brigade of the Eighth Division took over this northern
section.

August 28 saw the Canadians still continuing their slow but
inexorable advance.  On that morning their 7th Brigade took Pelves
and Boiry.  There were two strong counter-attacks upon the Second
Canadian Division in the evening near Artillery Hill, and for a time
the front line was pushed back, but it soon recovered and held firm.
There was quiet now on the Canadian front, but on August 29 the 154th
Brigade of the Highland Division made a fresh attack upon Greenland
Hill, which was captured by the 4th Gordons and 7th Argyll and
Sutherlands with only slight losses.  This important success caused
the evacuation by the enemy of several positions commanded by the
hill, especially Delbar Wood.  This capture screened the left flank
of the Canadians and drew from their General a generous message of
thanks, in which he said, "That your division after its continuous
fighting for the last year was able to take and keep the strong
position of Greenland Hill, testifies to the fact that the fighting
qualities of the Fifty-first are second to none in the Allied armies."

[Sidenote: August 30.]

There were some changes of troops at this date in {143} preparation
for the big attack upon the Hindenburg switch line which was
impending.  The Twenty-second Corps (Godley) now formed on the left
of the Canadians, took over the Fifty-first Division, and also
occupied the south bank of the Scarpe with the Eleventh Division.  It
retained the Forty-ninth Division (Cameron) in reserve.  On the other
hand, the Fourth British Division was attached to the Canadians, and
came into their centre at Remy and Haucourt.  At dawn on August 30
the Canadian First Division attacked Upton Wood and the trenches
near, with the object of straightening the line and maintaining close
touch with the Seventeenth Corps on the right.  This movement was
splendidly successful, and 500 prisoners were taken.  The Fourth
British Division advanced at the same time and their line in the
evening was just east of Eterpigny.  Next day they were held up once
at St. Servin Farm, but took it at the second attempt.  Meanwhile,
the Eleventh Division was moving steadily forward on the south bank
of the river.  It was relieved on October 1 by the Fifty-sixth London
Division, acting under the Twenty-second Corps.

On September 1 the Canadian Corps was outside the Arras-Cambrai Road,
with the Fourth British Division forming its left flank, the Fourth
Canadian its centre, and the First Canadian on the right.  It was a
day of local attacks and bickerings, but great preparations were on
foot for the morrow.  The first light of dawn had hardly begun to
glimmer in front of the eager lines of infantry before the signal was
given for the advance upon the Drocourt-Quéant line.  This line is
not the main Hindenburg Line, but it is a northern extension of the
Hindenburg system, {144} and it may be said to cover the towns of
Douai and Cambrai.  The advance of the First Army was on a front of
five brigades--one belonging to the British Fourth Division on the
left, and two of each first line Canadian Division to their right.
The general idea of the day's operations--among the most important of
the war--was to break through the German line upon a narrow front,
and afterwards to roll up the flanks of the enemy, both north and
south.  This having been done, the main attack was to push through,
seize the higher ground overlooking the Canal du Nord, and if
possible cross the Canal and seize the farther bank.

[Sidenote: Sept. 2.]

The attack should be from the Sensée River, southwards, and the
function of the Twenty-second Corps was to form a defensive flank on
the left of the attack, taking up consecutive positions eastwards
along the River Sensée, and working in close collaboration with the
British Fourth Division.

There was a preliminary bombardment, but the guns had been busy
wire-cutting during the last three days, so that the great metal
aprons which extended from the German position were ragged and torn.
Hence they offered small impediment to the infantry who dashed
through at the first rush, and easily captured the outlying trenches
which stretched across a low hill.  The village of Gagnicourt lay
imbedded in the German trenches, and this was a centre both of attack
and resistance.  By 8 o'clock the Canadian infantry of the First
Division had carried the village, while the Canadian Fourth Division
was in Dury on the left, and had made its way into Dury Wood.  The
advance had already covered about 3000 yards.  Both the barrage and
the tanks were admirable, and {145} the combination beat down the
German defence which at first was not formidable--indeed many of the
German front-liners escaped the shrapnel by running in front of it
and surrendering the moment the battle began.

As the advance progressed the German resistance grew stiffer,
especially in front of the Fourth Canadian Division at Dury Wood,
where there was some very desperate fighting.  All along the line,
pockets of German snipers and machine-gunners did what they could to
redeem the honour of the German Army.  Astride the Cambrai Road there
was a particularly strong point of opposition.  The defenders were
numerous all along the line--so much so that prisoners from six
different German divisions were captured, including the First and
Second Guards Reserve, and the Third Division which had only arrived
the night before with orders to advance into the Canadian area.  Many
of them did so as far as the prisoners' cage.

This splendid advance of the Canadians had been covered and supported
on the right by the Fifty-seventh Lancashire Division of Fergusson's
Seventeenth Corps, which had cleared up the villages of Riencourt and
Hendecourt in a preliminary operation on September 1.  The Lancashire
men made good the Canadian flank, and then the Sixty-third Naval
Division of the same Corps skirted the southern edge of Gagnicourt,
passing the Canadian troops, and pushed on to Buissy, nearly two
miles further east.  This advance was on a front of a mile, and
brought the victors into contact with six other German divisions,
each of which provided samples for the cages.  Not content with this
fine performance, the Naval Division, who were now ahead of their
guns {146} and without tanks, pushed on again in the evening, and
inclining to the south they captured the village of Pronville, thus
getting to the east of Quéant, which was still held by the Germans.
The Drake, Anson, Hood, and Hawke battalions, together with the Royal
Marine units, were all heavily engaged during this long day of
fighting.

Meanwhile the Canadians had carried on along the original line of
advance, the First Canadian Division clearing the woods of Loison and
Bouche.  On the extreme left the Fourth British Division added to its
great fighting record another strenuous day of battle.  It had in
front of it a very strong position, Prospect Farm, which offered a
desperate resistance, but was eventually taken.  It was afternoon,
however, before the place fell, which prevented the attainment of the
full objectives of the day.  They were still advancing in the morning
of September 3, and before noon they had taken all their original
objectives, including Etaing and Lecluse, while on the same morning
the Fourth Canadians got as far forward as Rumancourt.

It was a fine victory, which will make September 2, 1918, memorable
to Canadians.  Great work was done by the British divisions on either
side of them, but the stress of the attack and the consequent credit
lay with our comrades from across the Atlantic.  More than 10,000
prisoners were taken during the day.  Their demeanour as described by
Mr. Perry Robinson, the well-known correspondent of _The Times_, is
of interest as reflecting the softening and disintegrating influences
in the German Army.  "As the newcomers arrived they were greeted with
shouts of laughter and welcome by their comrades already {147} behind
the wires, and greetings and badinage and names were called back and
forth.  Those inside were mostly eating, and held up bully-beef tins
and biscuits for the new arrivals to see, and the latter cheered
responsively....  Many were very tired, but the whole scene suggested
a new train-load of revellers at some annual bean-feast being
welcomed by fellow-holiday-makers."

[Sidenote: Sept. 3.]

The Germans had dammed the river which flows down the Trinquis valley
in front of the Twenty-second Corps, and this had now formed a
considerable lake which hampered operations to the north.  The
Fresnes-Rouvroy line when tested by patrols seemed to be still
strongly held.  It soon became evident, however, that on the south
the Germans had withdrawn behind the Canal du Nord.  The Canadians on
September 3 closed up to the western bank, occupying with little
resistance Recourt and Baralle.  During the day the First British
Division relieved the Fourth British Division, while the Second and
Third Canadians relieved respectively the First and Fourth Canadians.
The Canal was found to be full, and all the bridges down, so that
progress was for the time suspended, and a period of inaction
followed, which was accompanied by a bad spell of boisterous weather,
lasting for more than a week.  During this time the First British
Division was sent south to form part of the Ninth Corps on the
extreme south of the line next to the French.  The Fifty-sixth London
Division took its place on the right of the Twenty-second Corps, and
on September 19 it extended so as to take over the ground held by the
Third Canadians, thus contracting the Canadians' front on that flank,
while it was extended to the south, where it took over from the {148}
Fifty-second Division on the left of the Seventeenth Corps.  The
Cambrai Road became the dividing line between the British and the
Canadians.  To preserve Horne's uniformity of treatment we shall now
return to Rawlinson's Fourth Army in the south, and we shall carry
each successive Army forward from the end of September to the date of
the German surrender.




{149}

CHAPTER VI

THE OPERATIONS OF RAWLINSON'S FOURTH ARMY

  From the Battle of the Hindenburg Line (September
  29) to the Battle of the Selle, October 17

The first American operations--The rupture of the Hindenburg
Line--Predicament of Twenty-Seventh American Division--Their gallant
resistance--Great Australian attack--Remarkable feat by the
Forty-Sixth North Midland Territorial Division--Exeunt the Third
Corps and the Australians--Entrance of the Thirteenth Corps--Rupture
of the Beaurevoir line--Advance to the Selle River.


Turning to Rawlinson's Fourth Army, which were last seen in contact
with the old Hindenburg Line along its formidable front from
Vandhuile on the left to Gricourt on the right, it will be remembered
that it consisted of Butler's Third Corps on the left, the Australian
Corps in the centre, and Braithwaite's Ninth Corps on the right in
contact with the French.  The time had now come for an attack on the
largest scale in order to endeavour to carry this Chinese Wall of
Germany by storm.  The part assigned to the Third Corps in this
important operation was not a large one, and their front was now
contracted to 2000 yards, while two of their divisions, the
Fifty-eighth Londoners and the Seventy-fourth Yeomanry, were
transferred to another area.  There {150} remained only the Twelfth
and Eighteenth Divisions in line, which had to cover the left flank
of the main attack which was to be made by the Australian and Second
American Corps, and by Braithwaite's Ninth Corps to the south of them.

[Sidenote: Sept. 27.]

At this point the great Canal de l'Escaut passes under a tunnel which
is nearly six miles in length.  Thus it is the only place in the
whole line where tanks could be used to advantage.  The general plan
was that this section of the line should be carried by the Second
American Corps as far north as the northern entrance of the tunnel.
This done they would extend their gains to the left in a
north-easterly direction beyond Vandhuile, so as to open up a way for
the Fifth Corps.  After the line had been taken Australian Divisions
were to move forward through the Americans and push the advantage to
the east.  The rôle of the Third Corps was to cover the left of the
Americans, and then, when the latter had moved northwards, to mop up
Vandhuile, establish bridge-heads east of that point, and bridge the
canal for the Thirty-eighth Welsh Division on the right of the Fifth
Corps to get across.

Before the general attack which took place on that _dies irae_,
September 29, the Americans had a brisk fight of their own, which
deserves some special mention as it was the first large operation of
an American force acting as part of a British Army.  The Second
American Army Corps (General Read) had been specially selected to
lead the attack on September 29, and as a preparation for this great
effort they were ordered to make some advance along their whole front
in order to gain an advantageous point from which to start.  They lay
roughly along {151} the front of the Hindenburg outpost line, but
they needed to draw up closer to the main line before the day of
battle.  On the night of September 24, General O'Ryan's
Twenty-seventh American Division from New York on the left relieved
the Eighteenth and Seventy-fourth British Divisions, taking over a
front of 4500 yards opposite to Gouy.  The defences immediately
before them were particularly strong, including the notorious danger
points, the Knoll, Quinnemont Farm, and Guillemont Farm.  The 53rd
American Brigade (Pierce) took over the line, with the 106th Infantry
Regiment in front and the 105th in support.  The entire American
front was from near Vandhuile in the north to Bellicourt in the south.

The tunnel, which formed a special feature in the next great battle,
deserves some description, as it was a remarkable feature dating back
to the First Empire, and still bearing upon its arches the laconic N
of the great Corsican.  It is 6000 yards long and averages 50 feet
below the surface, with a breadth of about 70 feet.  The Germans had
converted it into an extraordinary military work, for it was stuffed
with barges in which a whole division could take absolute refuge from
the heaviest barrage ever launched.  There were all sorts of
bolt-holes in every direction for getting in or out, and there were
powerful machine-gun emplacements along the top.  Altogether it was
as awkward a nut to crack as any military engineer could conceive.
The main Hindenburg Line lay a couple of hundred yards west of the
tunnel, a heavily-wired system of trenches.  About a mile farther
east was a strong support line joining the villages of Nauroy and Le
Catelet, while {152} two or three miles farther on was yet another
strong position, known as the Beaurevoir line.  The way in which
Americans, Australians, and British combined with equal valour to
hunt the Germans out of this terrific series of positions is a story
which will go down in the common traditions of the English-speaking
race.

At 5.30 A.M. on September 27 there was the preliminary operation,
already mentioned, which should gain the ground necessary for the
jumping-off place.  This was done by General Lewis' Thirtieth
American Division on the right with little difficulty.  It was
different with the Twenty-seventh on the left.  On this flank a depth
of about 1100 yards had to be gained, coinciding roughly with the
rearmost trenches of the Hindenburg outpost line.  This task was
carried out by the 106th Infantry with all three battalions in line
and four tanks ahead of each battalion.  The leading companies,
following the barrage, reached their objectives in most cases, but
were involved in desperate fighting at the points already mentioned,
which were connected by cross-cuts with the main German line, from
which there flowed an endless supply of reinforcements.  All day
attack and counter-attack followed each other, both parties fighting
with great valour and enduring heavy loss.  By night the 53rd
American Brigade was well advanced on its right, but its left was
still battling hard to reach the allotted line: 8 officers and 259
Germans had been taken in the fighting.  That night the 54th Brigade
(Blanding) took over the new front and lay ready for the coming
battle, with the 108th Infantry on the right and the 107th on the
left.  On the front of the Thirtieth Division {153} the 60th Brigade
(Faison) was in line, with the 119th and 120th Infantry in the van,
the latter to the right, in touch with the British Ninth Corps to the
south of them.

[Sidenote: Sept. 29.]

The task which lay before the New Yorkers of the Twenty-seventh
American Division was particularly difficult, because the men were so
scattered over 1100 yards of depth that the barrage had to be thrown
forward to cover that area of ground.  Thus the main body of the
stormers had to cross that space before getting the full protection
of the artillery.  There were no American guns in action, but the
British artillery was as splendidly efficient as ever, crashing down
at 5.30 A.M. upon the starting line, where it lingered for four
minutes and then advanced at the rate of 100 yards in every four
minutes.  The German barrage came down instantly in reply, and though
it was not very heavy it inflicted considerable damage upon the
supporting troops.  What with fog and smoke it was difficult to see
more than a few feet in any direction, and this was a great advantage
to the stormers, the more so to troops who are so individual as the
Americans.  The Thirtieth Division on the right, a unit raised in the
Carolinas and Tennessee, dashed through the main Hindenburg Line in
the most gallant fashion, capturing Bellicourt on the way, while the
veteran Australian Fifth Division passed through their cheering ranks
after they had reached their allotted limit.  The 117th American
Regiment on the right was in close touch to the south with the
Forty-sixth British Division, whose fine advance is chronicled
elsewhere, so that the British, American, and Australian dead lay
along the same battle-line.  {154} The 120th American Regiment on the
left had taken and held Nauroy, but had been forced to bend its line
back at the north end as far as the tunnel, on account of the fire
which beat upon them on that flank.

The Twenty-seventh Division had met with grave difficulties from the
start, for the tanks encountered mines and traps, while the infantry
as already explained had practically no barrage, and found a strongly
posted enemy in front of them.  The men behaved with the utmost
gallantry and the officers led them with great devotion, but no
troops in the world could have carried the defences under such
circumstances.  For a thousand yards north of the inter-divisional
boundary, near the village of Bony, they got into the main line, and
from point to point all along the front bold parties pushed forward
as far as Gouy and Le Catelet, many of whom never got back.  The more
successful were ruined by their own success, for as the mist rose it
was found that in their swift advance they had left many pockets and
strong points behind them which fired into their backs when they rose
to advance.  The Third Australians, following up the attack, could do
little to make matters better, for all this part of the field of
battle was such a complete mix-up, and the two armies were so
dovetailed into each other, that it was impossible to use artillery,
and yet the situation was such that without artillery it was quixotic
madness for the infantry to advance.  The reinforcing Australians
were held up on the line between the Knoll and Guillemont Farm.
Groups of brave men gathered together from time to time, and stormed
up to Guillemont and Quinnemont Farms, which were among {155} the
most deadly of the German strongholds.  A British Divisional General
assured the present chronicler immediately after the action that he
had never seen the dead lie so thick at any spot during the war as
the Americans lay round Guillemont Farm.  Neither the blue-clad
infantry of Grant nor the grey Confederates of Lee showed a higher
spirit than the khaki-clad lads who fought alongside the British that
day.  The best that could be done, however, was to hold such ground
as had been gained, and to wait until the advance of the Fifth
Australians from the south, and of the Eighteenth British Division
from the north, should make all their section of line untenable for
the Germans.  The Twenty-seventh Americans and Third Australians had
in the meantime held on to every inch of ground they had gained, and
also to every prisoner whom they had taken.  On the night of
September 30, the Americans, shattered in numbers, but with unabated
spirit, were withdrawn from the line.  Altogether 40 officers and
1100 men had been taken from the enemy.[1]


[1] It was the privilege of the present writer to see the actual
operations during this decisive action which broke the Hindenburg
Line.  His account, written at the time, of his personal experience
is too slight for the text, but has been reproduced in the Appendix,
where it can be consulted or avoided by the reader.


It is necessary now to state the difficult and confused events of
September 29 from the point of view of the Fifth Australian Division,
who had almost as severe a day as their compatriots on the left.
General Hobbs' Division went forward with the 8th Brigade on the
right, which was in constant touch with the British troops.  On the
left was the 15th Brigade, which eventually found its northern flank
in the air on account of the hold-up {156} in that quarter.  At 9.40
the line of the 8th Brigade passed Bellicourt, which the Americans
had cleared.  As they advanced, however, they were scourged by a very
heavy fire from the direction of Nauroy.  At midday the 32nd
Battalion of Australians on the right were in touch with the 4th
Leicesters on Knobkerry Hill.  As the Brigade advanced they came upon
concrete pill-boxes of the familiar type behind Nauroy which caused
heavy losses.  Joncourt on the right was taken by the 32nd Battalion,
and at 8 in the evening the general line of Nauroy-Le Catelet had
been reached.

The 15th Brigade on the left had the harder task.  The fog and the
rapidity of the American advance had combined to leave a number of
machine-guns still active, and there was constant opposition.  Touch
was maintained with the 44th Battalion of the Third Australian
Division on the left.  A great many scattered groups of Americans
were reached, most of whom came on with the Australians.  The Brigade
had been well provided with tanks, but in the space of fifteen
minutes all the heavies and most of the whippets had been knocked
out.  So mixed were the conditions and so thick the clouds over the
battlefield that for a time the 59th Australian Battalion on the left
was altogether lost, but the 57th and 58th fought on together, and
with their American friends reached the Le Catelet line, a bunch of
Germans remaining in the trench between the two battalions.  The 59th
was afterwards found to have trended northwards and to be in close
liaison with the right of the Third Australian Division.

The fighting had been mixed on September 29, but it became still more
so next day, and it will tax the {157} industry of some Antipodean
historian to trace each unit, Australian or American, and define
their relations to each other.  The rôle of the 15th Brigade was
simple as it was directed to make good the rest of the Nauroy-Le
Catelet line, which was in time accomplished.  The 14th Brigade was
ordered to attack northwards in order to help the left flank which
had encountered such difficulties on the first day, while the 11th
Brigade was also directed towards the north-east, and ordered to take
a strong impediment called the Knob, which was eventually done.  The
53rd Battalion which led the 14th Brigade distinguished itself
greatly, advancing with a steady persistence which always gained its
ends, and overflowing the German field-guns.  It was finally held up,
however, and a strong counter-attack drove it to take refuge in that
part of the Le Catelet-Nauroy line which was already in British
hands.  There was a good deal of close fighting in this quarter but
the gains were held by the 15th Brigade, which failed, however, to
get Cabaret Wood Farm.  On October 1 the 56th Australian Battalion,
with the aid of tanks, carried Estrées.

We shall now follow the work of General Braithwaite's Ninth Corps on
the extreme right of the whole British Army on this great day of
battle.  This Corps consisted now of the First, Sixth, Thirty-second,
and Forty-sixth Divisions.  Of these, the Sixth Division (Harden) was
in touch with the French, the First (Strickland) was in the centre,
and the Forty-sixth (Boyd) was on the left.  Opposite the Corps lay
the broad and deep St. Quentin Canal, and the storm troops of the
Forty-sixth Division were fitted up with 3000 life-belts, having
proved {158} by experiment that they were buoyant enough to support a
fully-equipped man.  Since the Spanish infantry of Alva waded out
neck-deep to attack the Dutch defences on the Frisian Islands there
has surely never been a more desperate enterprise than this, when one
remembers that on the farther side of the Canal was every devilment
which German sappers could construct, while no tanks could lead the
van of the stormers.  The general plan was that the Forty-sixth North
Midlanders should take the whole position between Bellenglise and
Riqueval; that the Thirty-second Division (Lambert) should then pass
through their ranks and push onwards to Tronquoy and beyond; while
the First Division should carry out a difficult turning movement by
swinging its left flank north-east to form a defensive line between
Pontruet and the Canal at the right of the Forty-sixth Division's
advance.  The Sixth Division was to make threatening demonstrations.

The very special obstacles which lay in the path of the Ninth Corps
had led to a reinforcement of their artillery, so that it was after a
two days' bombardment from 500 pieces of all calibres that the
assault was made at the same hour as that of the Americans on the
left.  The Stafford men of the 137th Brigade led, with the 1st
Regular Brigade covering their right flank.  An advance line of
German trenches intervened between the British and the Canal.
Favoured by the thick mist the attackers were able to overrun these
without any great loss, killing most of the garrison who fought
bravely for every inch of ground, and winning their way to the Canal.
In the meantime the 1st North Lancashires cleared the trenches on
their {159} right, while farther south the 1st Black Watch pushed
forward from Pontruet, cleared the trenches north-east of that place,
and finally, squeezing out the North Lancashires, fought their way
down to the right flank of the Stafford stormers.

The 3rd Infantry Brigade had also become strongly engaged on the
right of the First Division.  The 1st Gloucesters were pushed along
the high ground a mile south-east of Pontruet.  Here they were held
up for the time, but the 1st South Wales Borderers came in on their
left and connected up with the Black Watch.  All day the 3rd Brigade
threw back a long flank north of Gricourt to the Sixth Division,
which was ordered to hold its ground.

The 137th Brigade having fought its way to the banks of the St.
Quentin Canal proceeded now to force the passage.  The 6th South
Staffords on the right found the water low and there was little
swimming to be done, but the 5th South Staffords in the centre, and
the 6th North Staffords on the left were hard put to it to get
across.  The men dashed backwards and forwards on the bank, like
hounds that are balked, looking for the most hopeful spot, and then
springing into the water, sink or swim, with their gallant officers
trailing ropes behind them as they got across.  In a few minutes the
whole smooth surface of the Canal for a mile or more was dotted with
the heads of the English infantry, while cables, broken bridges,
extempore rafts, and leaking boats were all pressed into the service.
Within a few minutes the dripping ranks were into the trenches on the
eastern bank, where the moral effect of their dashing achievement
took all the iron out of the defenders.  At Riqueval the bridge was
intact and the enemy pioneers in the {160} act of blowing it up when
the British sappers and infantry swarmed in upon them and bayoneted
them with the lanthorns in their hands.  This bridge and a second
pontoon bridge made later by the engineers and pioneers of the
Forty-sixth and Thirty-second Divisions, were invaluable as a means
of communication.

The trenches and the tunnel entrance at Bellenglise were soon
occupied and the perilous passage had been safely made.  The advance
then continued, the teams of four guns being shot down as they tried
to get away.  The 138th Lincolns and Leicesters with the 139th
Sherwood Forester Brigade had relieved the Stafford battalions, which
dropped back after having performed one of the most notable feats of
the war.  These two brigades began to go forward preceded by twelve
tanks which had made their way round over the solid ground on the
Australian front.  The advance was much impeded, however, by some
German guns on the west side of the Canal, to the south of the point
where it had been crossed.  These guns, firing into the back of the
139th Brigade on the right, knocked out by direct fire every one of
the six tanks allotted to it.  A party of the Foresters then
recrossed the Canal, shot or bayoneted these gunners, and
extinguished the opposition in the rear.

The 138th Brigade on the left advanced well, and by 12.30 was near
Magny and Le Haucourt, but it was necessary to call a halt, as the
failure to hold Nauroy upon the left had exposed the north flank of
the division, while the south flank had always been somewhat in the
air.  During the delay the barrage got ahead, but the infantry soon
overtook it {161} once more, racing eagerly for the protection of
that slowly-moving cyclone.  By 3 P.M. all objectives allotted to the
Forty-sixth Division had been taken, and by 4 P.M. the Thirty-second
Division had passed through their ranks--a glorious military picture
on a day of victory--with the old 14th Brigade in the van.  The
leading lines of the infantry were now well up with the German guns,
and it is on record that the German gunners fought with the greatest
valour and continued to fire their guns at point-blank range up to
the last.  Many great deeds were done as small bodies of infantry
closed in on these guns, often dashing through their own pelting
barrage in their determination that the enemy should not have time to
limber up and get away.  Nauroy had now fallen save only the north
end, which was still a scourge to the left flank of Braithwaite's
Corps.  Late in the afternoon the 97th Brigade captured the southern
half of Joncourt, and before night Le Tronquoy had fallen also.  From
there the final line ran west of Le Vergies, and then back to
Etricourt, where it was in touch with the Thirtieth American Division.

Late at night the Sixth Division on the extreme right, which had
endured heavy fighting all along its front during the day, was
relieved by the extension northwards of the Fifteenth French Corps.
The Sixth Division went into reserve.  All night there was a
bickering of machine-guns and rifle-fire along the front, and before
morning the 14th Brigade had completed the mopping up of the villages
which it had captured.

It was a most glorious day's work which reflects great credit upon
General Braithwaite and his men, {162} who were allotted a task which
it seemed presumptuous to demand and yet carried it out to the last
inch.  The stormers captured 90 guns and 5400 prisoners during the
day, the vast majority of which (70 guns and 4000 prisoners) fell to
the Midland Territorials.  It was fitting that in so intimate a
struggle as that between Great Britain and Germany it was men from
the very inner heart of England who at the critical moment struck the
most deadly blow.

[Sidenote: Sept. 30-Oct 1.]

On September 30 there was a continued forward movement on the front
of the Ninth Corps.  The First Division took Thorigny and the
Thirty-second Division took Le Vergies during the day, with some 700
prisoners.  The general movement of troops was from the south, the
French taking ground to the left in order to release the British for
that north-eastern movement which promised the more decisive results.

On the morning of October 1 the Thirty-second Division, in close
liaison with the Australians, completed the capture of Joncourt, and
made progress towards Sequehart.  During the afternoon the glad news
arrived that the French were progressing splendidly in the south and
that their pioneers were in St. Quentin.  All day the Thirty-second
Division was flowing slowly onwards, taking Sequehart and
establishing its van in the Fonsomme line, which extends from that
village to Beaurevoir.  The Germans had given fanciful names to all
of these lines which were taken with such unfailing regularity by the
Allies.  There were the Siegfried line, the Wotan line, and other
Wagnerian titles, which led some wit to remark at the time that if
they went far enough through the list of that composer's operas, they
would certainly come, sooner or later, to the Flying Dutchman.  {163}
There was some confused fighting in the line south of Ramicourt, but
the setting sun found the Thirty-second Division in full possession.
It was clear, however, that heavy fighting was ahead, as the
Intelligence Department learned that three fresh divisions, the
Eighty-fourth, Two hundred and twenty-first, and Two hundred and
forty-first, had come forward to buttress the line of defence.  These
new-comers were strong enough to bar the way successfully to the
weary Thirty-second Division on the morning of October 2.  In the
evening the Germans passed to the attack and, backed by strong
gun-fire, they got temporary possession of Sequehart, the British
line being drawn across the high ground to the west of that village.
We must now pause to consider what was going on in the north.

[Sidenote: Sept. 29, Oct. 1]

As regards the part played by the Third Corps in these operations it
was mainly limited to the action of the 54th and 55th Brigades of the
Eighteenth Division, with elements of the Twelfth Division.  On the
left the 54th Brigade attacked the position known as the Knoll, which
was occupied by the 6th Northants who repelled several severe
counter-attacks.  Any further movement was hampered, however, by the
deadly fire of the enemy from Guillemont Farm.  The 55th Brigade was
unable, as planned, to get down the Macquincourt valley as the
Hindenburg Line, which commanded it, was still intact.  Next morning,
however (September 30), it was found possible to get forward as far
as Guillemont Farm and Vandhuile village, which were occupied with
little loss, but the enemy was still in force in the Hindenburg Line
behind it, and attempts to cross the Canal were checked by the German
machine-guns.  {164} The 37th Brigade of the Twelfth Division held
the front line to the north-west of Vandhuile, with outposts along
the Canal, which they also were unable to cross.  On October 1 it was
realised that the Australians working north had got in contact with
the remains of the Twenty-seventh American Division, and also with
the 55th Brigade in the Macquincourt valley.  On the left the Fifth
Corps had also reached the Canal.  At noon on October 1 the long term
of service of the Third Corps was at an end, and their section was
taken over by Morland's Thirteenth Corps.  The work of the Third
Corps during that time had been very brilliant.  Between August 8 and
September 30 the five divisions which composed it met and overthrew
twenty German divisions, including a number of the very best troops
which the enemy retained in the field.  They pushed them back over 25
miles of difficult country, and captured 15,700 prisoners in all with
150 guns.  The achievement was the more remarkable as the troops
employed were mostly young and untried, the successors of those
veterans who had laid the foundations of the great reputation of
these grand divisions.  1100 officers and 24,000 men in the list of
casualties attest the severity of the service.  In estimating the
work of the latter period it is to be remembered that the Germans
were in the line which they had been taught to consider impregnable,
with very heavy artillery support, so that it is not surprising that
it took six days to drive them back 4000 yards to the main outpost
line, and another week to gain the Canal 2000 yards farther east.
This remark applies equally to the Corps on either side.

Braithwaite's Ninth Corps having passed the St. Quentin {165} Canal
in the dashing way already described, had established itself firmly
upon the other side during the first two days of October.  On October
3 it made a further forward movement in close liaison with the
Australians on the left.  The two very tired divisions which had
fought incessantly for four days, the Forty-sixth on the left and the
Thirty-second on the right, were still in the van.  There was some
hope of a break from these repeated hammer-blows, so the Fifth
Cavalry Brigade were close behind the infantry, waiting hopefully for
the developments of the day.  The First Division on the right was
told off to keep in touch with the French Fifteenth Corps which was
joining in the attack.

Both divisions, starting at 6.25 in the morning, made excellent
progress.  Ramicourt was carried by the Midlanders in the first rush,
and it had been cleared before 7.30.  By 8, Sequehart, with 200
prisoners, had fallen to the Thirty-second Division.  The final
objective was the village of Montbrehain and Mannequin Hill.  On the
left the Second Australian Division, advancing with irresistible
dash, had occupied Wiancourt and were making good progress towards
Beaurevoir.  By 11, some of the Forty-sixth Division were on
Mannequin Hill, and some on the left were in the outskirts of
Montbrehain, but the Australians had been held up to the north of
that village, which made the situation very difficult.  By 3 P.M.,
however, the whole of this important point had fallen, with the large
capture of 70 officers and 2000 men.  There was very severe and close
fighting in the village all day, and the northern flank of the
Midland Territorials was still bare to enfilade fire, so they were
drawn back to the western outskirts, which are on the reverse slope
{166} of the hill east of Ramicourt.  At 7 P.M. the Germans
counter-attacked on the British right and for a time regained the
crest of Mannequin Hill, but they were pushed off again after dark.
Another counter-attack against the Thirty-second Division about the
same hour at Sequehart was a complete failure.  During the night one
brigade of the First Division and a dismounted section of the 5th
Cavalry Brigade reinforced the utterly weary Forty-sixth Division on
the left.  In the meantime the French Fifteenth Corps, which had
attacked with no marked success during the day, elongated its line to
the north so as to relieve the First Division.

[Sidenote: Sept. 30-Oct. 3.]

The breach made during this day's fighting in the Beaurevoir-Fonsomme
line, together with the action of the New Zealanders, presently to be
described, in keeping their grip of Crevecœur in the north, had
completely destroyed the resistance of the last of the great
organised defences of the Hindenburg system to which the enemy had
trusted as being impregnable.  Officers who went over these works
immediately after the fighting were amazed at the breadth and
strength of the wire and the depth of the dug-outs and trenches.
Their final destruction was due to the action of many forces,
British, American, and Australian, all equally heroic, but the
historian of the future surveying the whole field with the detailed
facts before him, will probably agree that the outflanking forces at
either end, the New Zealanders in the north and the Englishmen of the
Midland Division in the south, stand pre-eminently out in this
wonderful achievement.  Sir Douglas Haig visited the Ninth Corps on
October 4 and congratulated it upon the vital work which it had
accomplished.

{167}

October 3 had been a day of desperate fighting for the Second
Australian Division on the left of the Ninth Corps, which had taken
the place of the Fifth Australians, while the Eighteenth British had
relieved the Third.  Their attack was upon the Beaurevoir line,
including the village of Beaurevoir, and though the latter was not
taken considerable progress was made.  The advance was made with
Martin's 5th Brigade on the right, while the 7th Brigade (Wisdom) was
in touch with the Fiftieth British Division on the left.  Sixteen
tanks lumbered in front of the line of infantry.  The honours of the
day rested with the 18th, 19th, and 25th Battalions, in that order
from the right, who swept forward against the formidable German
position.  So terrible was the fire and the wire that the two
right-hand battalions drew back and lay down while the guns were
again turned on.  They then rushed the line almost before the flying
fragments of splintered wire had reached the ground.  Two hundred
prisoners and eighteen machine-guns were the fruits, while the 25th
on the left got the village of Lormisset.  The first phase of the
action ended with the possession of the German line from this village
to the divisional boundary on the right, and the formation of a
defensive flank by the 7th Brigade, facing north.  The 17th and 20th
Battalions then pushed in and got Wiancourt.  Altogether 11
battalions, with an average strength of 200, were concerned in this
operation, and they took 6500 yards of double-trenched system.  They
lost roughly 1000 men, but killed as many Germans, besides taking
1200 prisoners, 11 guns, and 163 machine-guns.  A German officer
summed up the enemy view by saying, "You Australians are all {168}
bluff.  You attack with practically no men and are on the top of us
before we know where we are."

[Sidenote: Oct. 3-6.]

The total effect of the fighting on October 3 in this section of the
line had been extraordinarily good, though all objectives had not
been taken.  As the net result the British held the line for 10,000
yards from Sequehart to the west of Beaurevoir.  At one time the
gains had been greater but the enemy had countered with great valour,
the Twenty-first Reserve Division, Twenty-fifth, and One hundred and
nineteenth all making very strong attacks, so that the advanced line
was retaken all along.  On October 5, however, the division in the
north got Beaurevoir while the 6th Australian Brigade carried out a
very dashing attack by which the village of Montbrehain, which had
already been taken and lost, was now permanently occupied.  This hard
struggle was begun by the 21st and 24th Battalions, but both were
very worn, and there was not sufficient weight and impetus to drive
the attack home.  It was at this crisis that the 2nd Australian
Pioneer Battalion, which had never been in action, made a fine
advance, losing 400 of its number but saving the situation and
capturing the village with 600 prisoners.

Immediately after this battle the Second American Corps took over the
whole line from the Australians, who retired for a rest which proved
to be a final one.  So exit from the world's drama one of its most
picturesque figures, the lithe, hawk-faced, dare-devil man of the
South.  His record had always been fine, and twice on a day of doom
his firm ranks stood between the Empire and absolute disaster.  The
end of March on the Somme, and the middle of April in Flanders, are
two crises in which every man who speaks {169} the English tongue the
whole world over owes a deep debt of gratitude to the men who stemmed
the rush of German barbarism which might have submerged the world.
But their supreme effort lay in those last hundred days when,
starting from the Abbé Wood, west of Villers-Bretonneux and close to
Amiens, they carried their line forward in an almost constant
succession of battles until they were through the last barrier of the
desperate and redoubtable enemy.  The men were great; the officers,
chosen only by merit, were also great; but greatest of all, perhaps,
was their commander, Sir John Monash, a rare and compelling
personality, whose dark, flashing eyes and swarthy face might have
seemed more in keeping with some Asiatic conqueror than with the
prosaic associations of a British Army.  He believed in his men, and
his men believed in him, and their glorious joint history showed that
neither was deceived in the other.  So exit Australia.  _Ave et vale!_

It has been already stated that Morland's Thirteenth Corps took over
the sector which formed the left of Rawlinson's Fourth Army, after
the Third Corps which had occupied this position was drawn out for a
rest and reorganisation.  The same relative positions were
maintained, so that from October 1 when they first came into action
till the end of the war the Thirteenth Corps had the Fifth Corps of
the Third Army on their left, and the Australians and their
successors on their right.  They came into line at that very critical
moment when the great Hindenburg Line had been broken on their south
by the Americans and Australians, but when the situation was
difficult on account of a large body of the former, the remains of
the Twenty-seventh Division, {170} being embedded in the German
lines, having advanced with such speed that the trenches had not been
cleared, so that they found themselves with as many enemies on their
rear as in their front.  That under these circumstances there was no
great surrender speaks volumes for the spirit and constancy of the
men.

The Thirteenth Corps took over Lee's seasoned Eighteenth Division
from the Third Corps.  It contained also the Twenty-fifth Division
(Charles), which had been practically annihilated in the three
desperate battles described in the previous volume, but had now been
rebuilt largely of men from the Italian front where the reduction of
brigades to the three-battalion scale had liberated a number of
trained and veteran soldiers.  It was now commanded by General
Charles, an officer who had signalised his professional youth by
riding round the rear of the Boer army in the company of young
Captain Hunter-Weston.  There was also the Fiftieth Division
(Jackson) which has so often been described in the van of the battle.
It had also been reconstituted after its practical destruction, and
now contained no less than six Regular battalions from the East, full
of experience and also, unfortunately, of malaria.  Finally there was
Bethell's Sixty-sixth Division, a Lancashire Territorial unit which
had played a fine part on several historic occasions.  The South
African Brigade now formed part of this Division.  Altogether General
Morland had a sound hard-working team under his hand, with a strong
backing of artillery.

[Sidenote: Oct. 3.]

The Fourth Army was now across the line of the Canal de l'Escaut, but
it was necessary to clear a way for General Byng's Third Army to
cross on the north.  With this object it was wise to push the {171}
attack in the south and so to outflank the Germans that they would
have to abandon the whole position.  It was with this object that the
Ninth Corps and the Australians were ordered to attack on October 3
as already described in order to secure the high ground east and
north of Beaurevoir and the villages of Montbrehain and Sequehart,
while the Thirteenth Corps conformed, pivoting on its left, and
capturing, as will be shown, the villages of Gouy and Le Catelet and
the rising ground known as Prospect Hill.  The two villages which lie
in a basin surrounded by hills were powerfully held and fortified.
To the west of Le Catelet the St. Quentin Canal runs between steep
banks, which rise 50 feet above the water at that part, but come down
to the normal at Vandhuile.

On the front of Morland's Corps only one division, the 50th, was in
line, the others being arranged in depth behind it.  Sugden's 151st
Brigade was on the right in close touch with the Australians, the
149th on the left.  The latter was to hold its ground and form a
hinge round which everything in the south should swing.

Early on October 3 the attack started in a thick mist, which made
observation impossible--not an unmixed evil when a strong defensive
position is to be stormed.  The troops went forward with splendid
dash, meeting with varied experiences as they encountered the strong
posts of the enemy, but continually getting forward, though they had
not attained the level of the Australians when about 9 A.M. the
latter had occupied the Masnières-Beaurevoir line.  The 6th
Inniskilling Fusiliers who had been told off to take Prospect Hill
had been drawn {172} into the fighting in the village of Gouy, but
the 1st Yorkshire Light Infantry pushed in on their right and
sweeping past the village, caught up the barrage and captured the
hill which it at once consolidated.  By 10 o'clock the whole of the
original objective, including both villages, had been occupied, while
the Australians were in Estrées to the south.  The rest of the day
was spent, however, in holding the new line against very vigorous
counter-attacks which drove down from the north-east and pushed the
4th King's Royal Rifles of the 150th Brigade (Rollo), who had already
lost heavily, out of Gouy.  They rallied, however, and reinforced by
the 2nd Northumberland Fusiliers they restored the situation after
some heavy fighting which came to close grips among the houses.  The
Second Australian Division on the right had also lost its hold of
Beaurevoir and been driven by a heavy counter-attack to Beaurevoir
Mill.  The night closed down upon these lines, the British having
failed to hold all their furthest points, but having greatly enlarged
their foothold on the far side of the St. Quentin Canal, which had
now been crossed and held from a point 400 yards south-east of
Vandhuile.  The Fiftieth Division had used seven battalions and
incurred heavy losses, but it had won Gouy, Le Catelet, and Prospect
Hill, with some 300 prisoners.  The tactical success was complete,
but the strategic aim was not yet attained, as the Germans still held
the Canal in front of the Third Army to the left.  It was decided,
therefore, to renew the operations at once, bringing in the
Twenty-fifth Division on the right.  There was a marked salient in
the German line which included the villages of Beaurevoir and
Ponchaux.  The plan was to cut in to the north {173} and south of
this salient and pinch it out.  The 151st Brigade came into line on
the left and Hickie's 7th Brigade of the Twenty-fifth Division on the
right, while it was arranged with General Shute on the left that the
Thirty-eighth Welsh Division should support the attack of the 151st
Brigade.  There were nests of trenches upon the high ground north of
Gouy and Le Catelet and these were the main obstacles in front.

[Sidenote: Oct. 4.]

At 6 o'clock on October 4 the attack went forward in thick fog, so
thick that it was not until 11 that the position of the Divisions
could be defined.  At that hour it was learned that the right of the
7th Brigade was in the high ground west of Ponchaux and in touch with
the Australians on the Torrens Canal.  They were also holding the
line of railway near the cemetery, but were under very heavy fire
from the villages which raked their position.  Neither of the
villages had fallen, so that the attack on the left seemed to have
miscarried.  The reports from the Fiftieth Division were that some
progress had been made towards La Pannerie, but that the left was
held up by heavy fire.  At 1 o'clock La Pannerie was reported as
taken, but the situation was still unsatisfactory, and the troops
were under the guns of the Germans to the north, especially from
Hargival Farm, which, however, was taken in the late afternoon.
About 6 o'clock the glad news came in from General Jackson that the
enemy appeared to be weakening, and he suggested a farther advance.
This was held over until the Welsh Division should be available,
while all preparations were made for a fresh attack upon the salient
and the villages next morning.

{174}

[Sidenote: Oct 5.]

At 6 A.M. on October 5 the untiring infantry were off once more,
through the usual dense obscurity which shrouds that region of
marshes and canals.  At 9 it cleared.  The 7th Brigade had been held
on the right, but the 74th Brigade of the Twenty-fifth Division under
Craigie-Hackett, had fought its way past Beaurevoir Mill, and its
left-hand battalion, the 11th Sherwood Foresters, had reached its
objective in a sunken road north-east of Guisancourt Farm.  Some
small parties were reported by the aeroplanes to be on the east side
of Beaurevoir, but the Germans were still in the village.  They were
fighting with fine resolution, and a heavy counter-attack once more
re-established their line, save that Bellevue Farm remained in the
hands of the 74th Brigade.  Further British efforts met with no
better success, so it was decided to reorganise and attack again at
dusk.  The glad news had arrived that in the north the Welsh Division
had found all clear in front of it and that the Fifth Corps was
streaming across the Canal.  The Fiftieth Division then fell into
line, with the Welsh sharing in their advance.  Fryell's 75th Brigade
was now assembled in the dead ground west of Beaurevoir, and about
6.30 dashed at it with levelled bayonets and a determination which
would take no denial.  The enemy were swept out of it and the line
carried forward 500 yards to the east of it, while junction was
established with the Australians upon the Estrées-Le Cateau Road.
Nearly 600 prisoners were taken during this day.  That night the
Second American Corps took over from the Australians on the right of
the Thirteenth Corps.

There was now in front of General Morland a high waterless plateau
extending from the St. Quentin {175} Canal to the Selle River.  As it
is a country of large, open spaces intersected with sunken roads, it
offers great facilities for the use of machine-guns.  It is dotted
with villages nestling in their orchards, but the wide stretches
between are given over to beet-root cultivation.  As the German
rearguards were still hanging on to their position, a big attack was
arranged for October 8 which would entail an advance of the
Thirteenth Corps to the Fremont-Serain-Walincourt Road, meaning a
depth of 6000 yards on a 4000-yard frontage.  The Twenty-fifth
Division had one brigade on the right in touch with the Americans,
the Sixty-sixth were in front of Serain with two brigades, while the
Fiftieth Division with one brigade was on the left.

[Sidenote: Oct. 8.]

The general fight was preceded by a local attack by units of the
Fiftieth Division, at 1 o'clock in the morning of October 8, upon the
strong German post called Villers Farm which overlooked their line.
This was successfully taken, but a simultaneous attack by the
Thirty-eighth Division upon the village of Villers-Outreaux to the
north was held up, with the unfortunate sequel that a heavy German
barrage fell upon the troops as they assembled for the main attack.
They endured tragic casualties with silent patience, carrying through
their preparations with absolute disregard of the shower of
projectiles.  The attack was launched at 5.20, the order of brigades
from the right being the 7th, the South Africans, the 198th, and the
151st.

This attack was a complete success.  There was a stiff fight at
Ponchaux, but the village was soon carried.  The whippet tanks moved
up with great daring in front of the infantry but suffered severely
{176} from shells and anti-tank rifles.  The 2nd Cavalry Brigade, who
were eagerly awaiting a chance to be unleashed, found no opening
during the day.  The infantry got forward finely, however, and by 11
A.M. all objectives were held save on the front of Hunter's 198th
Brigade, which was badly handicapped by the fact that
Villers-Outreaux was still in German hands.  By 3 P.M. the Fifth
Corps had taken this village and the left of the Thirteenth Corps got
forward to its extreme point.  The Twenty-fifth and Sixty-sixth
Divisions were at once ordered to push forward and improve the
success in every way, and the final line was from the eastern
outskirts of Fremont and Serain up to the distillery on the
Elincourt-Malincourt Road.  Some 800 prisoners had been taken.

[Sidenote: Oct. 9.]

The battle was continued on the morning of October 9 with a prompt
vigour which was amazing considering the continual exertions of the
troops.  It was speedily evident that these attacks had shaken the
enemy and that he had been unable to get his roots down in his new
positions.  Much ground was gained with little loss, Elincourt,
Avelu, and Maretz all passing into British hands.  It was hoped at
one time that the passages of the Selle River might be seized that
day, but the infantry were too exhausted and the distances too great.
The Canadian Cavalry Brigade, pressing forward in small parties, got
past Reumont and cut off some of the Germans, but larger bodies of
cavalry were faced always with murderous machine-gun fire from
scattered positions.  The Sixty-sixth Division had overtaken the
Canadian Cavalry before evening, and the line of the Corps was west
of Escaufort but clear of the eastern edge of Honnechy towards Bertry
Station.  They were {177} coming at last into the old battle-ground
of 1914.  The wheel had swung full circle.

[Sidenote: Oct. 10.]

At 5.30 on October 10 these indefatigable soldiers were off again.
They made good progress until the western slopes of the Selle valley
were reached.  Here the Twenty-fifth Division was checked by the fire
from St. Benin, which appeared to be strongly held.  At noon the
Sixty-sixth Division was in Le Cateau, but under heavy fire from the
south-west of Forest.  About 2 P.M. the 74th Brigade, consisting of
the 9th Yorkshires, 11th Sherwood Foresters, and 13th Durhams, made a
very dashing assault upon the village of St. Benin, and drove the
enemy at the point of the bayonet across the river.  It was a fine
achievement but led to no immediate advance, as the stream was
unbridged and strongly defended.  The Sixty-sixth Division meanwhile
attacked the ridge to the east of Le Cateau, going forward with the
6th Connaught Rangers on the left and the 18th King's Liverpools on
the right.  The Irishmen rushed the town with great gallantry and got
through to the railway cutting on the far side.  The latter battalion
got as far as Montay, but found the banks of the river heavily wired
and were unable to cross.  The Connaught men were ordered back,
therefore, after dusk, as both their flanks were in the air.  They
continued to hold the western bank of the Selle, where it passes
through the town of Le Cateau.

There we may leave them preparing for the important battle of the
Selle River, while we bring up the Second American and Ninth British
Corps on the right until they also are in line upon the Selle.  These
two Corps worked in close liaison, {178} forming the extreme right of
the whole line of the British Armies, which was now rolling forward
in an unbroken wave more than a hundred miles in length, gathering
speed and volume as it went.  Some half-cynical Italian critic had
remarked early in the war that the British may only win one battle in
a war but it is always the final one.  The hour had now struck and
the line was irresistible in its cold and purposeful determination.

[Sidenote: Oct. 8.]

October the 8th was a great day of battle, in which the Second
Americans on the left, the Ninth British in the centre, and the
Fifteenth French on the right were all heavily engaged, the men
advancing with ardour from the knowledge that at last the open land
of France lay before them, and that the nightmares of barbed wire and
permanent lines were behind.  Taking the line from the north, the
immediate object of the Americans was to capture Brancourt and
Fremont, including a total advance of 6000 yards.  The attack was
made by the 59th Brigade of the Thirtieth Division, with the 60th
Brigade in support.  The advance was supported by a number of heavy
tanks and of whippets.  The machine-guns were numerous and deadly,
but the Americans would take no denial, fighting with that grim
earnestness which is as much their national characteristic in battle,
as is the debonnaire light-heartedness of the British, or the exalted
abandonment of the French.  By evening both villages had fallen and
all objectives attained.  Early next morning the 59th American
Brigade advanced once more, maintaining the fight until the early
afternoon when the 60th American Brigade passed through their thin
ranks, taking the towns of Busigny and Becquigny.  To carry on a
{179} connected narrative of the American Corps it may be added that
they were still attacking on October 10, endeavouring to secure the
command of the Selle River and the high ground beyond.  The 119th
American Regiment in the north captured Escaufort and St. Souplet,
and in collaboration with Morland's Corps got possession of St. Benin
in face of a very hot fire.  Finally the 119th Regiment forced its
way to the western bank of the Selle.  The 120th American Regiment on
the right had been checked by enfilade fire near Vaux Andigny, and
had to throw out a defensive line to the south, being for the moment
ahead of the general line.  This regiment had suffered very heavily
in its fine advance, and it was relieved on the early morning of
October 11 by the 118th Regiment, who found their comrades so
stretched out that they were covering a front of 5000 yards.  The
left American sector then remained stationary, but the 118th Regiment
swept forward and took at the point of the bayonet the villages of
Vaux Andigny and La Haie Manneresse, making an advance of 1000 yards.
That night the Twenty-seventh Division came forward and relieved the
Thirtieth.  We shall now return and follow the movements of the Ninth
Corps on the right during these five days of battle.

This Corps had joined vigorously in the attack on October 8,
advancing with the 71st Brigade of the Sixth Division on the left,
the 16th Brigade in the centre, and the 139th Sherwood Foresters
Brigade on the right, the function of the latter being to keep in
touch with the French.  The line sped forward without a check for
2000 yards, a squadron of whippets leading them gallantly on.  The
16th Brigade had {180} the hardest task, but they forced their way
eastwards, and by midday Mannequin and Doon Hills with Beauregard
Farm were all within the British lines.  The cavalry tried to get
through, but the machine-guns were still their masters, and it could
only have been done at the cost of unjustifiable losses.  Cerise Wood
was a serious obstacle, but the resistance there suddenly collapsed
before the stern insistence of the 16th Brigade, and 190 prisoners
gave themselves up.  Mericourt also was taken.  Out of Mannequin Wood
200 more Germans were extracted.  Altogether it was a very successful
day, as 4 guns, 35 machine-guns, and 1200 prisoners remained with the
victors.  The Corps line on the left was well forward on its
objectives, though on the right the advance had not been as far as
was expected.

[Sidenote: Oct. 8-9.]

In order to strengthen the right the Forty-sixth Division was put in
between the Sixth Division on the left and the French.  With this
greater weight of attack things went very much better on October 9.
The new-comers captured Fresnoy-le-Grand, while the Sixth Division
took Jonnecourt Farm which had been a lion in the path upon the
previous day.  A railway lay across the front and the Germans tried
to build up a fresh line upon it, but in the afternoon they had lost
their grip.  The usual organised retreat of the Germans showed signs
now of hurry and demoralisation.  Late in the evening the Sixth
Division occupied Bohain, which was found to contain several
thousands of civilians, many of whom had not touched food for three
days, but who forgot their hunger in the joys of liberty.

[Sidenote: Oct. 10.]

The next day, October 10, the whole Corps front was moving forward,
but resistance thickened as it {181} advanced, and finally in the
evening they appeared to be once more faced by an organised line of
battle.  The Sixth Division was now in touch with the Thirtieth
Americans at Vaux Andigny.  On October 11 a fresh German division,
the Fifth Reserve, had come into line, and it was very difficult to
get forward in face of their fire.  The casualties were low, however,
and indeed it may be remarked that the greater tactical skill
acquired by years of practice showed itself now, not merely by the
defeat of the enemy but also by the cheapness of the cost.  The iron
front of the tank took many a bullet which in earlier days would have
found the breast of the stormer, for brain work in England had come
to the aid of valour in France.  Up to now, in all these momentous
operations from the 18th of September, the total casualties of the
Ninth Corps had only been 6000, less than those of many a futile
trench attack in the early years.  On the other hand their prisoners
were 12,000, a most remarkable record.




{182}

CHAPTER VII

THE OPERATIONS OF RAWLINSON's FOURTH ARMY

From the Battle of the Selle, October 17, to the end

Attack upon the line of the Selle River--Stubborn work by the Second
American Corps--Success of the Ninth Corps--Hard fighting at Le
Cateau--Great feat of the South Africans--Continued
advance--Delay-action mines--Capture of Landrecies--Dramatic exit of
the German machine-gunner--Splendid work of the First Division.


There was a pause now on the front of the Fourth Army, and a period
for preparation and reorganisation which was badly needed after the
rapid and unremitting advance.  The Selle River in front of the
American section of the line had been carefully reconnoitred and was
found to be fordable except for occasional deep holes.  The position
opposite to this Corps was very difficult, the enemy holding the east
bank strongly, with outposts near St. Souplet in the north and Molain
in the south.  Across the stream and parallel with it was the
railway, which had an embankment rising in places as high as thirty
feet.  Behind the railway was rising ground.

The Americans attacked with both their divisions in the line, the
Thirtieth being on the right.  The 301st American Tank Battalion led
them on.  The {183} attack was on a three-brigade front, the
Twenty-seventh Division having both its units in the fighting line.
It should be explained that an American division has only two
brigades as against the three in the British system, but that each
brigade is very much stronger, consisting nominally of 6000 bayonets.
These particular brigades, however, were already very worn, and a
great strain was thrown upon them by the failure of the reinforcing
organisation which, for some reason, had been unable to make good the
very serious casualties already incurred.

[Sidenote: Oct. 17.]

The battle began at 5.20 in the morning of October 17.  The left of
the American line had its jumping-off place in the partially
destroyed village of St. Souplet, and it was no easy matter to get
forward from the beginning.  None the less the whole line fought its
way across the stream and up to the high railway embankment beyond.
This, as in the area of the Thirteenth Corps, proved to be a very
formidable obstacle, the more so as the fog made cohesion of attack
and accurate observation equally impossible.  Bandoval Farm on the
left of the line poured out a destructive volume of machine-gun fire,
but it was eventually rushed by the American Infantry.  The right of
the Twenty-seventh Division got the village of Arbre Guernon.  The
difficulties of this unit were greatly increased by the fact that
their tanks could not ford the stream, and though it had been
arranged that they should join them from the south, where there was a
crossing, only two did eventually arrive, both of which were
destroyed by shell-fire.  In spite of everything, however, the
Twenty-seventh Division fought their way forward to the Le
Cateau-Arbre Guernon {184} Road, where they finally halted, as both
of their flanks were, for the moment, in the air.

The Thirtieth American Division had encountered a fierce resistance
from the start at the villages of Molain and St. Martin, so that they
were held up in crossing the river.  After taking these villages they
were faced by heavy fire from the ridge across the river.  They
formed a defensive flank, however, up to the point which their
comrades had reached on the left.  The total achievement of the
Second American Corps was a fine one, for their prisoners amounted to
nearly 1500 men, while their front had been advanced for 4000 yards.

[Sidenote: Oct. 18.]

Next morning, October 18, the attack was renewed by General Read, the
Thirtieth Division bringing up the 60th Brigade which had been in
reserve on the day before.  In front of it was a line of
well-fortified villages, two of which, Ribeauville and Ecaillon, were
captured before evening, while a third, Mazinghien, was ringed round
and American patrols were in the streets.  This success represented a
further advance of 1500 yards.  The last-named village was completely
cleared by the bayonet on the morning of October 19 and the advance
was carried on for a further distance of 3000 yards.  The objective
of this day's attack was the high ground overlooking the Canal, and
by night the west slope of this ridge had been reached all along the
divisional front.

The Twenty-seventh Division had advanced on the left and had taken
Jonquière Farm, pushing its patrols across the St. Maurice River and
up to the ridge beyond, behind which lay Le Catillon.  A pause was
now ordered while fresh dispositions were {185} made all along the
British front, and during this pause the two American divisions,
which had fought a succession of severe actions ever since September
27, were drawn out.  Their losses had been very heavy, and as already
stated no replacements had been received.  In their term of service
the Second American Corps had taken 81 German guns, 6000 prisoners,
and a large amount of material, while their own casualties amounted
to the very honourable total of 364 officers and 12,826 men.  They
left the line with the deep respect and affection of their British
comrades, who well appreciated the difficulties which new-comers,
however brave, must meet with in work which calls for so terrible an
apprenticeship.

[Sidenote: Oct. 17.]

We will now return to the operations of the Ninth Corps, on the right
flank of the Americans, from October 17 onwards.  The action was
started with the Forty-sixth Division on the right and the Sixth on
the left, while the First Division was in close support, ready to
come through when needed.  A great forest lay on their front and the
general idea was that the Ninth Corps should encircle this from the
north and join beyond the wood with the Fifteenth French Corps,
General Braithwaite coming forward with his headquarters to the
immediate rear of the battle so as to keep control of what would be a
delicate and difficult operation.  One battalion of the 139th
Brigade, attacking on the right of the British line, lost its
direction in the fog and got into so false a position that upon the
fog suddenly lifting it was exposed to very heavy loss from the
German machine-guns.  The splendid Sherwood Foresters have seldom had
a more severe ordeal.  The left of the battalion swung round,
however, and {186} changed direction, with the result that the
situation was restored.  Without any loss of spirit the brigade
rushed on and captured Regnicourt, driving back a heavy
counter-attack which rolled in from the east about 11.30.  The other
three brigades in the line, which were, counting from the right, the
138th, 18th, and 16th, all made good progress, though in the fog they
left several lively machine-guns in their rear.  Each captured all
the objectives in front, including the wood of St. Pierre.

The First Division was now coming up behind the Sixth with the
intention of passing through them, but they ran into very heavy fire
before they had reached their allotted positions.  Both the 1st and
2nd Brigades had to advance for 2000 yards under the constant
thrashing of the machine-guns, in spite of which these veteran
battalions maintained their cohesion and direction, arriving at their
starting-point in the battle line at the time arranged.  Passing
through the Sixth Division they continued the advance, with the 1st
Brigade on the right and the 2nd in touch with the Americans on the
left.  The village of La Vallée Mulatre was very sternly defended,
but nothing could stop the fire of the attack, and by 2.30 it had
been entirely occupied.  The Forty-sixth Division on the right had
fought their way through the woody country, and had finally completed
the whole scheme by joining hands with the French at the outskirts of
the great Forêt Domanial just north-west of Mennevret.  It was a good
day for the Ninth Corps, and the prisoners amounted to 150 officers
and 1500 men, a proportion of officers which suggests that the
demoralisation of the German Army had not stopped at the ranks.
Among the {187} prisoners were samples from 6 divisions, 13
regiments, and 31 battalions, indicating the urgency with which
reinforcements had been hurried up to prevent a complete fracture of
the line.

[Sidenote: Oct. 18.]

In the early morning of October 18 the Forty-sixth Division in
co-operation with the French captured Mennevret and Le Repas.  On the
same morning the 3rd Brigade advanced in co-operation with the
Americans on the left and pushed the line forward as far as
Ribeauville.  The French had come on well in the south and were now
in touch with the 1st Brigade, while the Forty-sixth and Sixth
Divisions were drawn out of the line.  By evening on October 19 the
First Division had made its way forward and was lining the western
bank of the Canal.  The Sixth Division now came in again on the left,
and got touch with the Thirteenth Corps, thus covering the gap left
by the withdrawal of the Americans.

[Sidenote: Oct. 17.]

Returning to the Thirteenth Corps, who were on the left of the Fourth
Army at the battle of the Selle River on October 17, the weary
Twenty-fifth Division had been drawn into reserve, while the
Fiftieth, their heavy losses made good by reinforcements, were put
into the right of the line once more, while the Sixty-sixth carried
on to the left.  The river was at once reconnoitred and found to be a
serious impediment, especially in the immediate neighbourhood of Le
Cateau, where it had been dammed and deepened, while it was commanded
by high ground in the east and also by numerous strongly-built houses
in the town.  Arrangements were made, therefore, that the main attack
should be lower down where the facilities were greater.  The Fiftieth
Division held this right sector, with St. Souplet as {188} its
southern limit for the 151st Brigade, while the 149th was near St.
Benin.  The Sixty-sixth covered the ground up to Le Cateau, the South
African Brigade under General Tanner being north of the town.  The
South Africans with great skill and daring arranged their assembly
within fifty yards of the German outposts on the other side of the
stream, at a point where they were absolutely commanded by the German
guns in case of discovery.  There they lay in silence until, at the
first twinkle of dawn, they sprang to their feet and rushed forward
to the eight bridges which the sappers with their usual splendid
efficiency had prepared for them during the night.  So well had the
bridge-makers worked, that in the region of the main attack they had
actually been able to throw across bridges which would carry forward
the ten tanks allotted for the assault.

The fog was so dense and the communications so precarious that the
officers in charge of the operations had the nerve-trying experience
of seeing their whole force vanish into the gloom and knowing nothing
of what had become of them, save that the deafening roar of guns told
of a deadly struggle.  Soon there came news of disasters to the
tanks.  Three drove into a morass and were embedded there.  Two
developed engine trouble and collapsed.  One never got across.  The
others lost their place in the fog and all hope of useful
co-operation with the infantry was at an end.  Then came belated news
of the storm troops.  The leading battalions of the Fiftieth Division
had got across in safety but had been swallowed up in the fog,
shrouding several German posts containing machine-guns, which opened
on the supports after the front files had passed them.  {189} On the
left the formidable obstacle of the station with its heavy loop-holed
out-buildings held up the flank battalion of the 151st Brigade, and
the whole advance was stopped and greatly disorganised at this point.
The railway was a strong line of German resistance, and especially a
wooded mound on its eastern side, which bristled with guns.  The
attack being held, the reserve of the Fiftieth Division, the 150th
Brigade, was thrown into the fight which in the early afternoon was
still in a condition of equilibrium.

In the meanwhile a great deed of arms had been wrought in the
northern part of the line.  Tanner's South African Brigade, having
reached the eastern bank of the river, had penetrated the German wire
and stormed through the fog up the hill on the north of the town.
The second wave was held by the concentrated fire, and the first wave
was so utterly lost that the patrols could find no trace of where it
had got to.  Just as all hope had been given up, and it had been
arranged to restart the barrage, a brave runner got through with the
news that the leading South Africans were right through the town and
engaged in a desperate hand-to-hand fight in the deep cutting on the
farther side.  In order to reach this place they had been compelled
to force their way through another broad apron of untouched wire, a
most remarkable achievement.  Gradually the very strenuous German
resistance was overcome, small bodies of South Africans dribbling up
in support of their comrades.  By noon this part of the German line
had fallen, with a corresponding weakening along the rest of their
front, for the bravest man is less brave when he begins to think that
the {190} day is already lost and that his self-sacrifice is
manifestly vain.

With a view to helping the Fiftieth Division the 198th Brigade of the
Sixty-sixth was now ordered to cross the river to the south of the
town, and to strike in on the left of the long-drawn struggle at the
station, where the assailants were now so mixed up that the two
brigades were telescoped into one and all battalion order had been
lost.  A strong counter-attack had developed about 3 o'clock on the
right of the line, where the British and American Corps joined, and
this had some success, though the 4th King's Royal Rifles held on
desperately to their ground.  It was necessary to send in the 150th
Brigade to steady the line.  The 7th Wiltshires and the Munster
Fusiliers were the reinforcing battalions and by their aid the
position was once more restored.  It was a dangerous crisis, for with
the river in the rear any sort of retreat would have been disastrous.

There was now a concentrated bombardment of the obdurate station, and
this seems to have broken down finally the spirit of the brave
defenders.  Shortly after dusk patrols forced their way into the
buildings, and by 8 P.M. the whole place was in British hands, and Le
Cateau, save for the extreme eastern outskirt, was cleared of the
enemy.  It had been a very desperate battle, the laurels of which
rest with the South African Brigade, who had carried out so
remarkable an assault, and also with the Fiftieth Division which had
held on with such a bulldog grip to its purpose.

[Sidenote: Oct 18.]

The day's work had not been quite completed, as the neighbouring
village of Bazuel had not been captured, and this was undertaken on
October 18 {191} by the Fiftieth Division, strengthened by the
inclusion of the 75th Brigade.  This operation was carried out with
perfect success.  There was considerable opposition from scattered
machine-gun posts, but before noon Bazuel and the whole ridge to the
east of Le Cateau had been secured, while the Sixty-sixth Division
had cleared up the suburbs of the town.  Thus the whole capture and
command of the Selle River had been triumphantly accomplished.  To
get a complete view of the battle these operations are to be read in
connection with the fighting of the Third Army, as later recounted,
on the left, and that of the remainder of the Fourth Army on the
right.

After a pause of a few days for reorganisation and readjustment the
active operations of the Thirteenth Corps were resumed in the country
between the Selle and Mormal Forest, a district which was less open
than the plains to the west, but presented special difficulties of
its own, for it was well wooded and was also cut up into numerous
small compounds with thick hedges which presented serious obstacles
to any advance.  However, the obstacle had never yet been found in
France or Belgium which would stop a British Army, so the troops
moved forward with a high heart to this new attack.  The Ninth
British Corps had taken the place of the Americans on the right, and
was to advance to the line of the Sambre and Oise Canal, while the
Thirteenth, in conjunction with the Fifth Corps of the Third Army on
the left was to reach the main Le Quesnoy-Landrecies Road, near the
western edge of Mormal Forest.  The larger aspect of this movement
was that it should cover the right flank {192} of the Third Army
while it carried out its own important attack.

[Sidenote: Oct. 23.]

The attack was launched in bright moonlight at 1.20 in the morning of
October 23.  The 7th Brigade advanced on the right, with the 53rd and
54th Brigades of the Eighteenth Division in the order given on its
left.  The first objective was the village of Pommereuil, and it was
attained in the face of heavy fire from the mills and farms along the
banks of the Richemont River.  On the right the 7th West Kents did
particularly well, especially an independent company under Captain
MacDonald which attacked with such vigour that it captured Garde Hill
and Garde Copse, extending its gains outside the divisional area, and
taking many prisoners.  The 10th Essex and 2nd Bedfords were also in
the leading line.  The second objective facing the Eighteenth
Division was Les Tilleuls Farm, with the great Bois l'Évêque beyond
it, which covered four square miles.  By 9 o'clock the Eighteenth
Division had got the farm and was established in the north-east
corner of the wood.  Wood's 55th Brigade coming through had got well
forward and was advancing upon the village of Bousies in close
co-operation with the Thirty-third Division of the Fifth Corps.  By
11.30 the Twenty-fifth Division was also in Bois l'Évêque and the
British infantry was crashing through the brushwood which makes up
the greater part of the plantation.  All these various points were
made good, but it was found that beyond them the enemy had a fixed
line of defence with wire and every other defensive arrangement, so,
as the soldiers were much exhausted from a long day's labour, the
attack was pushed {193} no further.  Bousies had been taken after a
hard fight among the surrounding orchards, by those old
battle-comrades, the 7th Buffs and 8th East Surreys of the 55th
Brigade, and the woods were completely cleared.  Two field-guns had
been captured near the Richemont River, and the bodies of 30 men of
the 8th Royal Berks within 60 yards of their muzzles showed how
fierce had been both attack and defence.  Altogether 50 guns and
nearly 1000 prisoners had been taken.

[Sidenote: Oct. 24.]

The attack was resumed before dawn on October 24.  On the right, the
village of Malgarni was the first objective and this was carried and
passed by the 74th Brigade.  Fontaine-aux-Bois was also captured, but
the Germans held part of their line on the Englefontaine-Landrecies
Road and could not be dislodged.  On the left, the Eighteenth
Division, using the same brigades as the evening before, took
Robersart and some scattered farms, but had to fight very hard for
everything they got.  The 7th Queen's were the first into the
captured village.  The new ground was consolidated and patrols thrown
out to report any weakening of the enemy line.  That night General
Wood, who had done such long and fine service with the 55th Brigade,
was invalided and Colonel Irwin of the East Surreys took over the
command.

[Sidenote: Oct. 26.]

On October 26, a day of rain and mist, the Fifth Corps was attacking
Englefontaine, and the Eighteenth Division conformed by throwing
forward its left, which involved the 7th West Kents and 8th
Berkshires in some hard fighting.  Much work was thrown upon the
Thirteenth Corps on this and the following days in evacuating the
civilians who {194} swarmed in the villages, and who had no
protection against the noxious fumes of the gas shells which the
Germans with their usual thorough-going brutality showered amongst
them.  If in the peace terms the Germans found that the hearts of the
Allies were hard and their thoughts stern, they have only to read the
details of their own military history in order to understand the
reasons.

[Sidenote: Nov. 4.]

A very large attack had now been planned in which the First French
Army, the Fourth, Third, and a portion of the First British Armies
should all participate.  The Germans were known to be tottering and
one more good blow might bring them down.  It was necessary to act at
once, for the German delay-action mines, which were usually in the
shape of one shell set to explode among a dump of shells by the road
or railway, were making the communications almost impossible.
Fortunately the ingenuity of the British sappers discovered the
private mark--a small star upon the cap of the fuse--by which the
danger-shell could be distinguished among its neighbours, and so many
a disaster was averted.  It should be mentioned that on October 30
two gallant senior officers of the gunners, Colonels Thorpe and
Burnyeat, were both killed by the same shell.

The general line of advance of the Fourth Army, which had been
north-east, was now changed to east.  The orders given to the
Thirteenth Corps were to advance in that direction, astride of the
Sambre and Oise Canal, to the line of the Cartignies-Dompierre-Bavai
Road.  The Ninth Corps was to cross the Canal simultaneously on the
right of the Thirteenth at Catillon and Ors, advancing on the same
objective.  The general proposition before the Thirteenth Corps {195}
was a total advance of about ten miles, part of it through the south
end of Mormal Forest, with the forcing of the Canal crossings thrown
in.

The frontage of the Corps attack was 7500 yards, narrowing down as it
advanced, so three divisions were put into the line.  On the right
was the Twenty-fifth Division, with the task of forcing the passage
of the Canal opposite Landrecies, of capturing that town, and of
clearing the country up to Maroilles.  The Sixty-sixth Division was
then to carry on the advance to the ultimate objective.

The Fiftieth Division was in the centre and was to fight a way
through Mormal Forest, while the Eighteenth Division on the left was
to storm the village of Sassegnies.  The desperate determination of
the Army may be gauged from the fact that a large number of
life-belts were served out to the leading brigade in case it should
be necessary to swim the Canal for want of bridges.

The attack, the last great concerted movement of the war, was
launched at 6.15 in the morning of November 4--a day of thick,
all-pervading mist.  The order of brigades from right to left in the
initial advance was 75, 149, 150, 54, and 53.  Good progress was made
from the beginning all along the line, and the news from the Ninth
Corps was uplifting.  They were across south of Catillon and Ors, but
the Thirty-second Division, on the immediate right of the
Twenty-fifth Division, had been held up, so that they were ordered to
move south and pass by the crossings already established.  The
Twenty-fifth and Fiftieth Divisions both got well away, the former at
9 A.M. being within 300 yards of Landrecies, while the latter was
well up to the old bugbear, the {196} Englefontaine-Landrecies Road,
though Robinson's 149th Brigade, and especially the 13th Black Watch,
had lost heavily.  The Eighteenth Division had also attained its
first objectives and drove off a half-hearted counter-attack.  The
7th West Kents had a desperate house-to-house fight in the village of
Hecq, which remained in their hands, while the 2nd Bedfords had a
similar hard victory in Preux, where they were much helped by the
10th Essex.

The 75th Brigade had forced its way down to the Canal bank.  The 5th
Gloucesters had the good fortune to discover two German foot-bridges
and poured across.  It was indeed a proof of German deterioration
that such an oversight should have occurred, for it is in attention
to detail that the merit of German soldiering lies.  The 8th
Worcesters followed their comrades and these two battalions began to
encircle the town from the south.  There was no bridge higher up the
Canal, but a fine feat of arms was performed by a small party of the
122nd Tunnelling Company, who dashed forward, seized the lock gates,
and cut the wires which were meant to blow them up.  On the extreme
left some of the 1/8 Warwicks discovered another forgotten bridge and
pushed across to the north of the town, which was now practically
surrounded so that the garrison was soon taken or killed.  The
official report remarks: "The capture of Landrecies was an operation
which might well have absorbed the energies of a whole division.
Success was accomplished with a single brigade and was due to the
spirited leading of the officers, the bravery of the troops, and that
element of good fortune which any well-planned and boldly-executed
enterprise deserves." {197} The Eighteenth and Fiftieth Divisions had
pushed on through the forest with hardly a check and surrounded a
considerable number of Germans, who for the most part put up a very
resolute resistance.  About two o'clock there were signs, however,
that the whole line was shaking, but it was impossible to advance
farther until the Ninth Corps was in line.  The final position on
this most successful day was east of Landrecies, through Le Preseau,
along the west bank of the Sambre to Hachette, and on to Locquignol.

[Sidenote: Nov. 5.]

It was guessed that the enemy was in a bad way, but on this evening
it was confirmed by the capture of a cavalry orderly bearing a
message ordering the troops to withdraw to the Sambre during the
night, and to continue the retirement upon Maubeuge.  Their skeleton
rearguards still hung on, however, and put up a spirited resistance.
Next morning, November 5, the corps advanced once more, the 74th
Brigade taking La Rosière, while Maroilles fell before noon to the
same division.  The Eighteenth Division had pushed ahead and occupied
Sassegnies, while the Fifth Corps were in Berlaimont on their left
and were crossing the Sambre.  The Fiftieth Division had more
difficulty as the ground was very water-logged and the resistance
considerable.  The day's advance finished by the 74th Brigade, still
in the van, capturing Basse Noyelle, while at dusk the 149th Brigade
got across the Grande Helpe, a stream behind which the Germans were
expected to build up a new line.

A steady advance was maintained next morning, November 6, though the
constant tapping of machine-guns in front told of the German sporadic
resistance.  {198} That night the line of the Thirteenth Corps was
east of Marbaix and Dompierre.  It was found that the small enclosed
fields were very helpful in dealing with German machine-guns, as a
concealed flank attack could always be carried out.  Armoured cars on
the roads were also found to be of great help to the infantry.  On
November 8 there was a sharp fight on the line of the
Avesnes-Maubeuge Road.  After the road was won there was a very
spirited counter-attack, the German machine-gunners coming forward
with great heart, though the infantry would not face the fire.  The
6th Inniskilling Fusiliers and 1st Yorkshire Light Infantry bore the
brunt of this engagement, which lasted several hours.

[Sidenote: Nov. 8.]

The state of supplies made it impossible for the Corps to advance
farther, but the 12th Lancers went on as cavalry, supported by small
mobile columns.  A line was reached which ran north and south through
Hestrud, and this proved to be the farthest east of the Thirteenth
Corps, as it was gathering itself there for an attack when the final
white flag was hoisted.  Up to the last moment there was local
skirmishing and even a small German attack, which was driven back and
added a few more to the monstrous death-roll of the war.  The whole
British Army has an admiration for the German machine-gunner, and one
closing incident of the war may be recorded.  At two minutes from the
moment of the Armistice a machine-gun opened up about 200 yards from
the British line, and fired a whole belt without a pause.  The gunner
was then seen to stand up beside his weapon, take off his helmet,
bow, and turning about walk slowly to the rear.  In his person there
vanished from the stage a brave and {199} formidable character in the
war.  His last action was as typical of the remorseless valour of his
corps as that of the British infantry who refrained from shooting him
was characteristic of their chivalrous and sporting instincts.  When
the hour of fate struck, the line of the vanguard of the Thirteenth
Corps was just west of Montbliart and Sautain, being the most eastern
point of any troops in the British Armies in France.

During the five weeks that Morland's Corps had been in the line it
had captured 8554 prisoners and 340 guns, while its take of
machine-guns was at least 2500.  It had engaged units of no less than
forty-four divisions, which gives a vivid idea of the state of
disruption which the German Army had reached.  From thirteen of these
divisions prisoners varying from 100 to 1000 had been taken, showing
that these at least had been substantially engaged.

Having brought Morland's Thirteenth Corps to the goal of all its
hopes and efforts, we shall now turn back to the days after the
battle of the Selle River and carry the Ninth Corps on the right on
to the same goal.

[Sidenote: Oct. 23.]

On October 23 broke out the general engagement which will be known as
the battle of the Oise-Sambre Canal.  The order of battle of the
Ninth Corps on this day was the First Division on the right, with the
2nd and 3rd Brigades in the line, and the Sixth Division on the left,
with the 18th and 71st in the line.  It was a night attack launched
at 1 in the morning, and though a heavy German barrage, mixed with
gas, beat upon it, none the less both divisions made good progress at
first, though many obstinate strong points had to be reduced.  By 8
{200} in the morning the First Division was reported as being on all
its objectives from Catillon southwards, with patrols pushed into the
town.  The Sixth Division had great difficulty on its left flank
while endeavouring to clear Bois l'Évêque, but late in the afternoon
they got forward again.  It was clear by night, however, that the
Germans, who were battling hard, still held some parts of the west
bank of the Canal, including Catillon and Ors.  Next morning the
Sixth Division, working in close liaison with the Twenty-fifth
Division on the flank of Morland's Corps, got well forward, but were
still short of their full objective on the left.  Every day after
this in a series of minor operations the Corps improved its footing
on the west side of this great obstacle, which was of a most
formidable nature, 60 feet wide, unfordable, with steep slippery
banks and wire mixed with wooden abattis along the farther edge.
Such was the new line of defence behind which the German Army had
rallied, and which offered a fresh problem to the victorious British
leaders.

[Sidenote: Nov. 2.]

Most of the western bank had been occupied by November 2, including
the village of Ors, but there were points where deep marshes and
German redoubts on this side had prevented the assailants from
reaching the edge of the Canal.  There was also a spur at the bend of
the Canal which enfiladed the line, but this was taken as a
preliminary operation by the Thirty-second Division.  It was retaken,
however, by the Germans in a very strong counter-attack supported by
an overwhelming drum-fire.  On November 3 the British again got the
spur known as Happe-Garbes, but once again in the afternoon of the
same day the Germans regained it in a very {201} determined advance.
This heavy fighting fell upon the 96th Brigade and specially upon the
15th Lancashire Fusiliers, who were exposed to great pressure all
day.  Among many brave records that of Sergeant John Clarke of this
battalion is pre-eminent, who took four machine-guns single-handed,
bayoneting the crews, and fighting with desperate courage at the head
of his platoon from morning till night.  The idea of capturing the
place before the general attack of November 4 was then given up, and
other steps were taken to neutralise it.  The main crossing of the
Canal was planned to be at Ors, just south of Ors, and at two other
points.

[Sidenote: Nov. 4.]

This the last great battle of the war broke out as already stated at
5.45 on November 4, the infantry advance being covered by a
tremendous barrage.  The First Division attacked on the right, the
Thirty-second on the left, while the Forty-sixth was in close
support.  On the left and in the centre of the Thirty-second Division
two bridges were thrown across the Canal under intense machine-gun
fire, only to be destroyed immediately, before any large number of
troops could get across.  On the right of the division, however, the
14th Brigade gained a considerable success, the 1st Dorsets getting
across over a bridge of kerosene tins which was most cleverly
constructed by the Engineers and laid down in the darkness and mist,
so that it was a complete surprise to the enemy.  A smoke barrage and
a concentration of machine-guns helped the stormers to get across.
No praise can be too great for the sappers who worked amid clouds of
poison gas in the completion of this essential bridge upon which the
fate of the battle might depend.  To {202} one of them, Sapper Adams,
of the 21st Field Company, the V.C. was awarded, but there was not a
man round him who did not deserve the same honour.

In the meantime the First Division had advanced under cover of a
thick mist, and four bridges having been thrown across, the two
leading battalions got over the Canal, just escaping the German
barrage which came roaring down behind them.  The further experiences
of this division, and especially of the 3rd Brigade at Catillon,
should be told in some detail.  A special task was assigned to the
brigade, which was to clear the outlying portion of the town, to
occupy the rest of it, and to force the crossing of the Sambre Canal
at the broken bridge.  The order of the battalions on the east side
of the Canal was that the 2nd Welsh were on the right, the 1st
Gloucesters in the centre, and the 1st South Wales Borderers on the
left, good old comrades who had fought together from the first.
There were still strong enemy posts on the west of the Canal, and the
enemy had fought tenaciously for every inch of ground.  On the far
side of the Canal were many houses which contained machine-guns, and
their fire was always heavy and accurate.  The actual attack upon the
town began at 5.45 in the morning of November 4, and was carried out
in the midst of a very dense fog by the 1st Gloucesters under Major
Guild.  The portion of the town to the west of the bridge was first
conquered, with the efficient aid of an aggressive tank.  Many
machine-guns were taken in the suburban orchards and in the town
itself.  The bridge was commanded by a heavy machine-gun, but its
position was spotted and the tank put it out of action by accurate
fire.  The British barrage {203} was falling thickly across the
Canal, and the British regimental leaders, those wonderful men on the
spot who adapt themselves to every emergency, crossed at once, so
that when the Germans emerged from their cellars as the barrage
lifted they were received into the expectant arms of the Gloucesters.
Over a hundred were taken at this spot.  The battalion then, having
formed a bridge-head, pushed on through the town, mopping up as they
went, while the Welshmen cleared the orchards on both sides.  The
captures in this well-managed affair amounted altogether to 550
Germans, while of the British only 70 casualties were reported.  No
less than ten different German regiments were identified by the 2nd
Brigade during this operation, which indicates how mixed and broken
the hostile army had become under the constant pounding.

At the same time as the 3rd Brigade were capturing Catillon, the 2nd
Brigade on their right had shown great gallantry in forcing their
section of the Canal.  They had been ordered to cross by a lock south
of the town, but it was a desperate business, for the lock itself was
hard to reach, with banks and water in front of it, all strenuously
defended.  The infantry, with their attendant bridging parties of
sappers, were held up for a time, but Colonel Johnson of the 2nd
Sussex restored the situation, personally leading the assault
forward.  It was again checked by the hurricane of fire, but he again
rallied it and eventually led it across.  In the subsequent official
report attached to his V.C., it was stated that the offensive spirit
that he had inspired in his Sussex men was entirely responsible for
the successful crossing.

{204}

By 8.45 the Thirty-second Division reported that their right brigade
had got across, but owing to the enfilade fire two battalions of the
left brigade had been unable to do the same.  About midday, however,
they were all over and had established themselves in a position
south-west of Landrecies.  The First Division was now touching
Mezières with its left, where it was pushing on to Fesmy, while the
German line seemed to be dissolving in front of it.  It was a great
day for the old division which had fought so gallantly from the first
gunshot of the war to this which was so nearly the last one.  Much of
the credit of the victory is due to General Cartwright, the Corps
Engineer, upon whom the weight of these various arrangements had
fallen.

The Germans were now so fluid that a light cavalry screen was pushed
out in front of the Corps, and the Forty-sixth Division advanced on
November 5 behind it.  By 9 A.M. the Thirty-second Division was in
Favril, in touch with the Twenty-fifth on their left.  Late on
November 6 Cartignies was occupied.  The advance rolled forward
without serious interruption, though there was some bickering round
Avesnes, and on November 8 the Thirty-second Division was established
upon the high ground east of that town.  At this time, as already
recorded, the operations of the Fourth Army were confined to the
single mobile column commanded by General Bethell, which was all that
could be sent forward on account of the want of every sort of supply.
Two days later came the sudden news of the signing of the Armistice.
Never was there so sudden and wonderful a change.  From dark cloud to
bright sunshine seemed to have been the work of an hour.  The long
hurricane had {205} blown out at last and left only the weals across
the country which marked its passage.  British officers have recorded
how they sped eastwards in motor cars, and noted as far as the eye
could range the white flags of joy and enfranchisement flying from
the farm-houses and the village spires.  The only signs of the
invaders were the litter of abandoned equipment, lorries, and guns
along the roads.  For many a week, however, they left terrible marks
of their passage in their delay-action mines, which, with their usual
ruthless and reckless brutality, they had left in railway stations
and other crowded points along the line of their operations, and
which exploded long after the Armistice had been declared.  This also
was weighed against them in the day of doom, but indeed the scale was
already overfull, and nothing which they could do could add to the
horror and detestation with which they were regarded by the world, or
to the absolute determination that they should never again raise
their heads--or at least that those heads should never be crowned by
the helmet of war.  Such was the ultimate result of the doctrine of
the Superman, of might is right, and of the whole material philosophy
which had emanated from Frederick, miscalled the Great, and poisoned
all Central Europe.

So ended the splendid work of Braithwaite's Ninth Corps.  Its total
advance since September 18 had been 50 miles, during which time it
had captured nearly 17,000 prisoners and 318 guns.

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{206}

[Illustration: The Attack on the Selle.]

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{207}

CHAPTER VIII

OPERATIONS OF BYNG'S THIRD ARMY

  From the Battle of the Hindenburg Line (September
  29) to the Battle of the Selle (October 17)

Fighting at L'Escaut Canal--Dash of the New Zealanders--The guards in
a hot corner--Crossing of the Canal--Back on the old ground--Great
work by all four Corps of the Third Army.


Having for the sake of continuous narrative carried the Fourth Army
to the end of its labours, we shall now return to the Third Army,
which we last saw on September 18 and following days, when it made
good its way through the outposts of the enemy and closed with the
Hindenburg Line.  We shall begin with the Fifth Corps on the right of
the line, which was acting in close liaison with the Third Corps on
the left of the Fourth Army.

[Sidenote: Sept. 27-30.]

On September 27 there was no particular action on the front of the
Fifth Corps, save that the Twenty-first Division, that hard-bitten
old scrapper, had a prolonged fight in front of African Trench, which
it alternately took and lost, until on September 28 it got its iron
claws fairly fastened in it.  On this day it also pushed patrols to
the east of Gouzeaucourt.

On September 29, the day of general battle {208} along the line, the
Thirty-third Division (Pinney) and the Twenty-first (Campbell)
attacked at half-past three in the morning, advancing upon the
Hindenburg Line on the front Honnecourt-Bantouzelle, while the Welsh
Division operated to the north of that point.  There was some
progress at first and Villers-Guislain was occupied, but the enemy
was strong and aggressive, so that the advance was first held and
then forced back to its starting-point.  It was not a successful day,
and there seemed no choice but to settle down and subject these
powerful lines to a renewed bombardment.  On the morning of September
30 it was found, however, that the enemy had withdrawn his immediate
front on account of the success in the south, and the Corps was able
to push forward to the western bank of the Canal de l'Escaut.  The
Germans were still standing on guard on the eastern side.  All
bridges were destroyed, and for three days General Shute prepared for
the difficult task of forcing this broad waterway--a formidable
obstacle, it is true, but not one which was likely to stop the men
who had carried the line of the Ancre.  We shall now pass to the
Fourth Corps on the left and bring them to the same point.

On September 27 Harper's Fourth Corps had been given the task to
capture Beauchamp Ridge and Highland Ridge, and clear the front
system of the Hindenburg Line as far as the Couillet valley.  The
assault was launched at 5.20 in the morning.  The Fifth Division on
the right was from the outset sadly hampered by the fire from African
Trench, which struck upon its flank and inflicted heavy losses.  The
division showed its usual gallantry, but the {209} position was an
impossible one until the Fifth Corps got farther forward.  The left
of the division, however, and the Forty-second Division made good
progress, though the fighting was very severe about Beauchamp, which
was taken but could not be held, as a fresh German division,
advancing about 7 o'clock in the evening, drove the defenders back to
the west of it.  The success of the Sixth Corps in the north,
however, at Flesquières, had an encouraging effect upon the whole
line, and about 2.30 P.M. of September 28 both the Fifth and
Forty-second Divisions came on once more, the latter being
particularly successful in getting prisoners and guns.  The Fifth
Division got Beauchamp and Highland Ridge, but was still held up on
the right.  By evening the line was well forward on the western
slopes of Welsh Ridge, and some 1700 prisoners had come in.  It was
clear that the German line was sagging, so in order to press the
advantage General Harper ordered up Russell's New Zealanders to carry
the battle on through the night.  There could be no more stringent
test of the quality and discipline of troops, for the advance had to
be made over unknown country covered with trenches and wire
entanglements, with only a fitful, sinking moon to guide them.  At 3
A.M. of a dark, cold night the splendid Colonials passed through the
ranks of the Forty-second Division and, driving forward, thrust the
enemy off Welsh Ridge and Bonavis Ridge beyond it, captured 1600
prisoners, and made good the line of the Canal de l'Escaut.  North
and South Island brigades kept line in the advance.  More than thirty
guns were among the trophies of this magnificent achievement.  The
Fifth Division on their right swept forward at the same time near La
{210} Vacquerie, but as Gonnelieu upon their flank had not yet been
captured by the Fifth Corps, their attack was limited on that side.
This was remedied shortly after dawn, when the Fifth Division, weary
as it was, cleared their own right flank, captured Gonnelieu, and
finally took Banteux with 250 prisoners.  The indefatigable New
Zealanders had also gone forward after dawn as blithely as though it
was their first attack, clearing the whole of the west bank of the
Canal, and penetrating at one time into Crevecœur, where, however,
they were unable to remain.  They did great work here, however, by
holding and partly saving the bridge, all others having been
destroyed, and establishing some sort of bridgehead.

The total result of these attacks since September 27 on the front of
the Fourth Corps had been the capture of the whole front system of
the Hindenburg Line from Havrincourt Wood to the Canal, and the
capture of 40 guns with 4000 prisoners.  Beyond the Canal, however,
lay formidable dangers.  Only the Crevecœur bridge remained
British.  Beyond was a strongly-wired line of trenches known as the
Beaurevoir-Masnières line, which ran roughly southwards from
Crevecœur.  On October 1 the New Zealanders had got a footing,
however, in Crevecœur, and had begun to push troops over the
bridge, but it was desperate work, and the attacking brigade suffered
heavy losses.  It was, however, work of the first importance, as it
turned the whole of the Beaurevoir line.  There we may leave them,
level with the Fifth Corps on their right, while we turn to follow
the progress of the Sixth Corps to the north, which completes our
survey of the Third Army.

{211}

The old Third Division--the "Iron" Division, as its admirers had
begun to call it--attacked on the right, and the Guards on the left.
Deverell's men went forward in splendid form, the 8th and 9th
Brigades overrunning the first objectives, and the 76th passing
through them to the further positions.  They captured Flesquières,
the village which had held us up in the Cambrai battle, and by the
afternoon they were east of Ribecourt, with 1000 prisoners trailing
back to the rear.  The Guards meanwhile, with the 2nd Brigade in
front, had some very tough work at the onset, but fought their way
forward, and were succeeded by the 1st Brigade who had reached by the
afternoon the old British front line.  Continuing from here they
captured Orival Wood, and reached Premy Chapel, though this farthest
point could not be maintained, as the party which had won it had lost
touch with the main body.  The whole advance represented a notable
gain of ground.  The losses were heavy, and were partly due to the
fact that the flank of the Guards passed Graincourt before the
Fifty-seventh Division in the Seventeenth Corps had captured that
place, so that they were exposed to heavy fire.  Even the Guards have
seldom been in a hotter corner or shown more conspicuous examples of
personal courage than during this long and trying day, which brought
three Victoria Crosses to the battalions engaged.  Lord Gort, who
commanded the 1st Grenadiers, the leading unit of the 3rd Brigade,
was wounded as the troops formed up, but took no notice of his
injury, led on in the advance upon the Canal, was wounded again, lay
for a time half unconscious upon a stretcher, struggled once more to
his feet, and continued to lead his victorious {212} Guardsmen
through a hellish fire with the final result of large captures of the
men and guns who were opposing them.  The crossing of the Canal was
signalised also by a remarkable exploit by Captain Frisby and
Corporal Jackson, who, with two other Coldstream Guardsmen, climbed
down one side and up the other of the dry Canal in order to capture a
machine-gun with a crew of nine who were lying amid the broken end of
a bridge on the farther bank.  Jackson unhappily did not survive to
receive the Cross which he had won.

In the meantime the Sixty-second Division, now under General Whigham,
passed through the Third Division, and continued their victorious
career.  Two companies of the 8th West Yorkshires got forward as far
as the north-west outskirts of Marcoing and Nine Wood, but were
exposed to a raking fire from the high ground on the south side of
the Ribecourt valley, so had finally to fall back.  That night the
Sixty-second continued to hold its advanced line while the Second
Division took the place of the Guards, and all was ready for the
further advance next morning.

On September 28 the Sixty-second dashed forward as soon as it was
light, and were soon in possession of Marcoing.  There was no severe
resistance.  The Second Division on the left kept well in line with
the Yorkshiremen, and were soon the masters of Nine Wood.  By 10
o'clock the steady flow of the British infantry had enveloped
Marcoing Copse, and the 186th Brigade had reached the Canal, where
several bridges were found to be still intact.  Noyelles had fallen
to the Second Division, who were now fighting over the ground which
{213} they had held in the old Bourlon days, only nine months ago in
time, and yet seeming so far off on account of the great succession
of events which had elapsed.  Some attempts were made to get across
the Canal, but the Germans were there in strength, and nothing could
be done without deliberate preparation.  In the evening the
Sixty-second extended its boundaries, and consolidated what it held.
A small party of the Second Division got across the Canal during the
night, but were unable to establish any permanent bridge-head.  In
the morning of September 29, however, one brigade of this division
made a lodgment upon the farther side, and remained there, though
with wire and machine-guns before them.  Pontoons were brought up
during the day and many bridges thrown across.  The Sixty-second
meanwhile had cleared Les Rues Vertes and Masnières and was well to
the east of those villages.

No progress was made on September 30, and the day was mainly spent in
strenuous preparations by General Harper for his renewed advance.
The Sixty-second Division cleared some more ground, and the Second
Division failed in a village attack, but neither movement was
important.  During the evening the Third Division was brought forward
on the right and took the place of the Sixty-second, so that they
might advance next morning in conjunction with the New Zealanders on
their right.  This was duly carried out, the 5th Brigade leading on
the left, and the 76th on the right.  It was a day of heavy fighting
and of stout resistance.  The immediate object was the capture of
Rumilly, which was entered, but could not be entirely cleared by the
76th Brigade.  The 5th Brigade found Mont sur l'Œuvre, which {214}
faced them, a particularly tough proposition, and could make no
headway.  Altogether the losses on this day were greater than the
gains, but the troops were undismayed and eager to get forward again
on the morrow.

In the morning of October 1 they came back to their work, the 5th
Brigade still carrying on, while the 8th Brigade took the place of
the 76th.  By 10 o'clock Rumilly had fallen, which gave the British a
most important point as regards the passages over the river and
canal.  It took a great deal of clearing, for it was honeycombed with
cellars and dug-outs, and there were continual outflames of
unexpected fire.  Before evening it was solidly British.  No action
of importance took place during the next few days, and the 4th of
October found the Sixth Corps in the same position as the rest of
Byng's Army, solidly established upon the western bank of the Escaut
Canal and River, and with some bridge-heads on the farther side.

On September 27 Fergusson's Seventeenth Corps, which had done such
splendid work in breaking a section of the main Hindenburg Line on
September 2, was called into vigorous action once more.  Its rôle was
to advance in the general attack which was made on that date by the
First and Third Armies in order to drive the enemy over the Canal de
l'Escaut.  The Fifty-second Lowland Scottish Territorial Division was
on the right of the Seventeenth Corps, and the Sixty-third Naval
Division on the left, while the Fifty-seventh Lancashire Territorials
had been assigned the duty of following up the initial advance, and
passing through the Sixty-third Division to reach the final
objective.  On the immediate right of the Corps were {215} the Guards
Division of the Sixth Corps, while on the left were the Fourth
Canadians.  The first line of objectives was the Hindenburg support
line, the second included the villages of Anneux and Graincourt,
while the third, if it could indeed be attained, would include
Fontaine, Cantaing, and the west edge of La Folie Wood.

A very desperate day of fighting lay ahead of the Seventeenth Corps
before this ambitious programme could be carried through, and yet the
fire and ardour of the troops carried them eventually to the farthest
limit.  The 156th Brigade crossed the Canal du Nord on the right of
the Sixty-third Division, in spite of clouds of gas and very heavy
shelling upon their places of assembly.  The 4th Royal Scots led the
advance, and were soon in the first objective.  Here they were
heavily attacked, however, and there was no further forward movement
until the 7th Scottish Rifles came up to thicken the line.  Meanwhile
the 157th Brigade was dealing with that portion of the Hindenburg
Line which was west of the Canal, their operations being on the
extreme right flank of the Corps in close liaison with the Guards.
This heavy work fell upon the 6th Highland Light Infantry aided by
three tanks, and they got well forward, but the 7th Highland Light
Infantry on their left were badly held up by thick wire and
impossible conditions.  The 7th Scottish Rifles in the north had more
success, however, and they now worked south, which gave invaluable
help to their comrades in that quarter.  Before midday all the ground
east of the Canal attacked by the 156th Brigade, between the
Mœuvres-Graincourt Road and the Bapaume-Cambrai Road, was in the
possession of the Scottish infantry.

{216}

On the left of the Fifty-second Division the Sixty-third had got off
in excellent style, with the 190th Brigade leading, and the 188th
immediately behind it.  They were encouraged by constant good news
from the north, where the Fourth Canadians were in Bourlon Wood.  In
front of the Sixty-third Division lay an important point called the
Factory, an old bone of contention in the days of the Cambrai battle
of 1917.  This point was reached by the Anson Battalion, but they
were driven out of it again, and the Germans put in a heavy garrison.
It was then methodically bombarded, and shortly after 4 o'clock it
was again attacked by the 188th Brigade with complete success, 11
guns and many prisoners being taken.  Shortly afterwards both
Graincourt and Anneux were overrun by the advancing waves of the
Sixty-third Division.  About 5 o'clock the Fifty-seventh Division was
ordered up to take the place of the Sixty-third, moving round their
north flank with the intention of attacking Cantaing.  The German
resistance had very much stiffened, however, and there was a menace
of counter-attack, so that this final movement did not fully develop.
The night fell with the 171st and 172nd Brigades in the advanced line
which represented the farthest east of the Sixty-third Division.  A
thousand prisoners were taken during the day.  Of the eleven tanks
employed no less than nine were knocked out by the German fire--a
proportion which shows how great the risks are which are taken by the
brave men who form the crews.  Each had done splendid work before it
met its fate, and ever more and more the infantry learned, when at
the last extremity before impassable wire and death-dealing trenches,
to look behind them {217} in the hope of catching sight of one of
these lumbering ironclad monsters who had so often been their
Salvation.

On the morning of September 28 the two brigades of the Fifty-seventh
Division were ordered to continue their advance and to force the
passage of the Canal de l'Escaut, while the Sixty-third were to
follow up and exploit any success which was gained.  The immediate
task of the 171st Brigade was to clear the ground between Anneux and
Fontaine, and to establish touch with the Canadians on their left.
This they had done while the day was still young.  From about midday,
however, the attack slowed up in this section of the line.  The
Marcoing position was very strong, and it held the 171st Brigade.  By
2 o'clock a small force from the Fifty-seventh Division had got
across the Canal, and at about the same hour the Drake Battalion of
the 189th Brigade advanced upon Cantaing.  The orders were to push on
and cross the Canal, thrusting forward as far as was possible, while
the cavalry were held in leash at the south end of La Folie Wood.  It
was soon clear, however, that the line of the canal and river could
not be easily rushed, for all the possible crossings were swept by a
deadly fire.  The 171st Brigade was held under fire upon the spur
east of Fontaine, and the Canadians on the left had not yet made good
the Marcoing line.  Two battalions of the 189th Brigade, the Drake
and Hood, were in Folie Wood, endeavouring to force a crossing, but
the night fell before it could be accomplished.  Before morning two
companies of Drakes had established posts upon the farther side,
others getting across the river as well, over a broken bridge.
Farther to the right the Sixth Corps had {218} three companies of the
Second Division also across the Canal.  A thousand more prisoners had
been taken during the day.

On September 29 all three brigades of the Sixty-third Division were
across the Canal.  Before mid-day the Fifty-seventh Division had
managed to clear the Marcoing line from the Bapaume-Cambrai Road to
the Canal.  The men were getting terribly worn, but it was reckoned
that the Germans were even more so and that, at all costs, the
long-drawn fight should continue.  Therefore on September 30 both the
Fifty-seventh and Sixty-third Divisions made some advance east of the
Canal de l'Escaut.  On October 1 the Fifty-seventh Division pushed
out to the north and north-east of Proville, but the advance was not
successful.  Later in the day there was a renewed advance, but again
it was not pushed, and did not get very far.  The nearest enemy post,
the Faubourg de Paris, was strongly held, and there were several
small counter-attacks, one of which overwhelmed a British trench
containing 40 men and 2 machine-guns.  There followed a considerable
pause while fresh dispositions and reorganisations were made along
the whole line of the Army.  These changes included very radical
alterations in the Seventeenth Corps, which lost the Fifty-second
Division, while it was strengthened by the addition of the Nineteenth
(Jeffreys), the Twenty-fourth (Daly), and the Sixty-first (Duncan).
With this strong reinforcement General Fergusson turned with
confidence to his next task.

[Sidenote: Oct. 4, Oct. 8.]

We shall now return to the operations of the rest of Byng's Third
Army from the time that they fairly {219} settled down to the
crossing of the Escaut Canal, and the final occupation of the whole
of the Hindenburg Line.  We shall begin as before with Shute's Fifth
Corps on the right.  The attack of this Corps on October 4 was
largely dependent upon the success of the Second American Corps, and
as this was only partial some modifications had to be made.  The
immediate result of the American operations was that Morland's
Thirteenth Corps, which was on their left and on the right of the
Fifth Corps, had to undertake an advance against Le Catelet and Gouy
on October 3.  During this movement the Fiftieth Division on the left
of Morland's Corps was to take possession of the high ground 1500
yards north of Le Catelet, and were then to be relieved by the Welsh
Division of the Fifth Corps.  This was duly carried out by the
evening of October 4.  The rôle of the Welsh Division was afterwards
to attack northwards across the front of the Fifth Corps so as to
clear the Hindenburg Line as far north as Rancourt Farm.  It was
found, however, on October 5 that as a result of the operations of
the Fourth Army the enemy had withdrawn and crossings were effected
by the Twenty-first and Thirty-third Divisions along the whole Corps
front, while the Welshmen east of Vandhuile found that the line to
the north of them had been abandoned.  They pushed on, therefore, and
took possession of the Nauroy-Le Catelet line, finishing up to the
east of the village of Aubencheul, while the 64th Brigade of the
Twenty-first Division moved forward and occupied the same line on
their left.  So far all had gone splendidly, but it was soon found
that the enemy's retreat was not unlimited, for the
Masnières-Beaurevoir line was strongly held, and the {220} Welsh
Division on October 6 was unable to penetrate it, though the
Twenty-first gained a limited footing at one point, which gave good
hopes for the future.  After a day of reorganisation the attack was
vigorously resumed on October 8, the objectives being Malincourt on
the right and Walincourt on the left.  The troops were now in green
and virgin country unscarred by any previous battles, and a most
pleasant contrast to that terrible wilderness in which they had
marched and fought so long.  The attack of October 8 was made by
night, the zero hour being 1 o'clock in the morning.  All three
brigades of the Welsh Division were concerned in the advance on the
right, and all had heavy fighting and some setbacks, but persevered
with fine valour, and succeeded before evening in piercing the
Beaurevoir line, driving in the strong German rearguards and
establishing their final position to the east of Malincourt.  The
Twenty-first Division on the left also came away with great dash and
made rapid progress in their moonlight advance.  By dawn most of the
high ground in front of them, including Angles Château and Hurtebise
Farm, had been taken and the 62nd Reserve Brigade moved forward to
continue the operation, which resulted in the capture of the whole
Beaurevoir line on that front.  Before evening, after several
temporary checks, the Twenty-first Division had reached a line 500
yards west of Walincourt, though the left of their advance had not
passed the Sargrenon River.  Nearly 1000 Germans were taken during
this long day of battle.  That night the Seventeenth Division took
over from the Twenty-first, while the Thirty-third moved through the
ranks of the Thirty-eighth, so as to be all {221} ready for a
continuation of the pressure in the morning.

[Sidenote: Oct. 8.]

On this October 8, when the enemy was reported to be withdrawing from
the front of the Fifth and Fourth Corps, and it was probable that the
movement would spread across the face of the Sixth and Seventeenth
Corps, it was very necessary, if possible, to catch them in the very
act.  An attack was therefore ordered in which the Third Division to
the south should move, supported by the Guards, upon Wambaix, while
the Seventeenth Corps should take Niergnies as its general objective.
The Sixty-third Division made the actual attack on a front of about a
mile, with seven tanks in the van.  The 188th Brigade on the right
had Niergnies in front of it, approaching it from the north-east,
while one battalion of the 189th Brigade attacked from the south, the
rest forming a protective flank.  The Fifty-seventh Division was at
the same time to make a subsidiary attack.  The advance started at
4.30, but by 6.30 the Fifty-seventh Division had made little
progress, its tank being ditched and its 170th Brigade held up by an
obstinate trench.  By 8 o'clock the line had got forward, and all the
first objectives were gained, but the Germans were still firing from
the edge of the Faubourg de Paris.  A little later a very spirited
counter-attack was launched by the enemy from the direction of
Awoingt, which was supported by seven British-made tanks, captured in
the March operations.  For a time the 188th Brigade and the Second
Division on the right were thrown back, but by 10 o'clock they were
going forward once again, and at that hour, or shortly afterwards, a
very welcome pigeon message arrived from the Hoods of the 189th
Brigade to say that they were {222} through Niergnies.  By the late
afternoon every objective had been captured, but the evening saw
another strong German advance which struck upon the right of the
Seventeenth Corps and upon the front of the Second Division.  The
Naval men stood fast, however, and not only cleared their own front,
but by their enfilade fire were of great assistance to their
neighbours in the south.  Nearly a thousand prisoners had been
captured during the day, and the little flags had moved eastwards
once more upon the war maps.

[Sidenote: Oct 9, Oct. 10-11.]

On October 9 the troops were going forward shortly after dawn.  It
was soon found that the Germans had retreated, leaving only a few
devoted machine-guns to impede the pursuit.  Gard Wood and Clary were
occupied by the Thirty-third Division, who came on so rapidly that
they picked up a battery of field-guns near the village and captured
the officers drinking in an estaminet, quite unconscious that their
enemy was upon them.  Bertry was occupied by the 19th Brigade, and
before evening Troisvilles had also been captured.  On the left
without any opposition at all, the 51st Brigade of the Seventeenth
Division passed through Malincourt, Selvigny, and Caullery.  The
German machine-guns made some show at Montigny, but the place was
soon occupied, as was Tronquoy.  There was no barrage this day in
front of the Fifth Corps, and the advance was one long cross-country
chase of six or seven miles, with an occasional skirmish.  Early on
the morning of October 10, the Thirty-third Division crossed the
Inchy-Le Cateau Road, and with the mention of the latter name that
huge circle seemed at last to be nearing completion, the line of
which had begun to {223} describe its strange curve in August 1914.
The soldiers knew that the graves of their comrades were at last
within their reach.  The Seventeenth Division on this day flowed
through Audencourt and Inchy, and the 7th East Yorkshires actually
got up to Neuvilly in a fine attack, but had to be withdrawn.  The
Selle River in its shallow valley lay right across the Corps front,
and this, as was clear from the increasing artillery fire, marked the
new German front.  Here we may leave the Fifth Corps while we hark
back to bring up their comrades of the Third Army.  On the evening of
October 11, the situation was that the Thirty-third Division on the
right had established one strong post upon the farther river bank,
the Seventeenth on the left were lining the western bank of the
Selle, while the enemy were reported to be holding the line of the Le
Cateau-Solesmes railway in strength, and especially the village of
Neuvilly to the east of the river.

[Sidenote: Oct. 5-10.]

Turning now to Harper's Fourth Corps on the left, and harking back to
October 5, it became evident on that morning that the enemy was
withdrawing from that point, as a result of the success of
Rawlinson's Army to the south, and even more so to the possession of
Crevecœur by Russell's New Zealanders.  The retreat was closely
followed by the Thirty-seventh and the New Zealand Divisions, and
Vaucelles, with a portion of the Masnières line south of
Crevecœur, was occupied without resistance.  The Masnières line
was still strongly held, though the glow of great fires in the east
at night seemed to proclaim a coming retreat.  October 6 and 7 were
spent in preparing for a great attack upon the 8th, in which it was
hoped that the Masnières line would be forced.  {224} This assault
made by the Thirty-seventh and New Zealanders was completely
successful, in spite of belts of wire which were often thirty yards
wide and had to be crossed in the dim light of dawn.  There was hard
fighting round Briseaux Wood, but everywhere the attack prevailed and
the Germans were beaten out of their positions.  Lesdin fell to the
New Zealanders and Rifle Brigade.  Once the enemy tanks advanced, and
there was a short check, but the forward movement was soon resumed.
Over 2100 prisoners were taken in this successful day.

On the 9th and 10th the advance was as swift and successful as in the
case of the Fifth Corps already described.  The Thirty-seventh
occupied Caudry, Bethencourt, and Viesly, while the New Zealanders,
men of Otago and Canterbury, took Esnes, and finally crossed the
Cambrai-Le Cateau Road.  Up to now this district of France might have
been a land without inhabitants, a mere stage for the drama of war;
but now considerable numbers of the French civilians were liberated,
no less than 2500 at Caudry, all with the same tales of German
bullying and violence.  In the early morning, the Thirty-seventh and
their comrades of New Zealand were opposite the Selle River and had
passed some elements across on each side of Biastre.  We may leave
them here on the eve of the battle of the Selle River and extend our
view so as to take in the work of the Sixth Corps to the north of
them.

In the case of Haldane's Sixth Corps there was a general German
withdrawal on October 5, which did not prevent a very firm front
being shown upon the general line which was held on October 8.  The
attack upon that day was made by the 9th Brigade {225} of the Third
Division on the right, and by the 99th Brigade of the Second Division
on the left.  The village of Seranvillers was the immediate objective
of the 9th Brigade, which was strengthened by the 2nd Suffolk
Battalion.  Both the 9th and 99th Brigades got well forward at the
start, but had very hard fighting, and at one time were driven back
by a German counter-attack supported by tanks.  The village had been
taken, but the cellars were still full of Germans.  La Targatte, the
other village on the front, repulsed two attacks and was vigorously
defended, the 2nd Suffolk having heavy losses in front of it.  Later
in the day, however, it was taken by a fine advance of the 8th Royal
Lancasters and the 1st Gordons of the 76th Brigade.  On the left
flank both the 99th Brigade and the Sixty-third Division upon their
left had encountered strong opposition from the village of Forenville
and had suffered from the counter-attack already mentioned, but three
of the German tanks were destroyed, and the advance was resumed with
the result that before evening Forenville had been taken, and the
whole line of the original objective secured.  It was only attained,
however, after a day of very desperate battle and heavy losses.
During the evening the Guards came up, with their 1st and 2nd
Brigades in the line, and early in the morning, supported by the fire
of nine brigades of field artillery, they reached the line of railway
along the whole Corps front, and took the village of Wambaix.  News
from the north now showed that the enemy was retreating upon a broad
front and in no half-hearted manner.  Patrols of the Seventeenth
Corps were reported to have passed through Cambrai, while north of
that the {226} troops of the First Army had crossed the canal at
Ramillies with little opposition.  Previous experience had shown that
such a retreat would certainly be conducted in an orderly fashion,
and would be covered by rearguards composed mainly of machine-gun
units.  The main thing, however, was to sustain the pressure and keep
as close to the retiring masses as possible.  Led by that veteran
body, the Oxfordshire Hussars, acting as advanced scouts, the
infantry of the Sixth Corps hurried forward in pursuit with much the
same general experience as the two Corps on their right.  Estourmel,
Igniel, and Boistrancourt marked the main line of the advance, and
were occupied by the Guards, who were in touch with the New
Zealanders of the Fourth Corps on their right and with the
Twenty-fourth Division of the Seventeenth Corps on their left.  On
October 10 the Guards were through St. Hilaire, and up to St. Vaast,
which latter village was cleared after a stiff local skirmish on
October 11.  The Germans still seemed inclined to fight in this
quarter to the west of the Selle River, especially at St. Aubert and
Solesmes.  They were brushed aside, however, and on October 13 the
Guards gained that portion of St. Python which is west of the Selle,
a stream about thirty feet across and of some depth.  It was evident
that an organised full-scale attack would have to be made at this
point, so the Sixth Corps waited for the general signal.

[Sidenote: Oct. 9.]

Returning to the Seventeenth Corps: On the morning of October 9 the
attack was renewed by Daly's Twenty-fourth Division, a unit which has
always been in the heart of the fighting in the past, and now was in
the line once more.  It was a great day, {227} for early in the
morning, as is recorded elsewhere, the Canadians and the
Fifty-seventh Division had entered Cambrai.  The situation seemed
fluid, and the enemy disorganised, so the 6th Dragoon Guards were
ordered forward to work towards Cagnoncles, while the 72nd Brigade,
having taken Awoingt, gave way to the 73rd Brigade, who advanced
towards Cauroir and west of Romilly.  The Germans, however, were in a
strong line of rifle-pits behind triple wire, so that the cavalry
could gain no ground.  The infantry were also unable to get forward
very far on that day, but evening saw them in close touch with the
German covering rearguards, the Twenty-fourth Division touching the
Guards on the right, the Canadians on the left.  In the morning of
October 10 the screen had dissolved and the leading lines of the
Seventeenth Corps, consisting of the 17th Brigade, were soon to the
east of Cagnoncles, which fell to the 7th Northamptons, while the
Dragoon Guards were pushing ahead once more.  Rieux and Avesnes were
both taken by the Twenty-fourth Division during the day, and before
evening the line was well to the east of Cambrai, General Daly
pushing the advance with great vigour.

[Sidenote: Oct. 11.]

On October 11 it was found that the Germans were in strength and
apparently meant to make a serious stand.  At about ten o'clock they
counter-attacked with tanks, and pushed back both the Canadians on
the left and the Twenty-fourth Division on the right.  The former had
taken Iwuy in the morning.  No further advance was made during the
day, but general orders were issued that the way should be cleared up
to the Selle River, and that the high ground over the river should be
secured in order {228} to safeguard the crossings.  On October 12 the
Canadian Corps on the left was drawn out of the line, and the
Seventeenth Corps found themselves with the Forty-eighth Division of
the Twenty-second Corps as their northern neighbours.  On this day
the Germans again began to retreat, and the Corps front was advanced
down to the Selle River, between Haussy and Saulzoir.  There was
hardly any opposition.  All day the Twenty-fourth Division was
advancing with the Forty-ninth on their left and the Guards on their
right.  That evening the 17th Brigade of the Twenty-fourth Division
made progress over the river, entering Montrecourt and securing the
undamaged bridge.  The posts on the farther side were swept by
machine-gun fire and driven back next morning, that portion of the
bank being commanded by rising ground on the east.

We have thus traced all four Corps of the Third Army from the date
August 21, when it started from the line of Albert, until October 13,
when it found itself after seven weeks of immense and continuous
exertion and of uninterrupted victory upon the western bank of the
Selle.  In the compressed narrative of this chronicle it might seem
no more complex than the forward movement of pieces upon a board, but
no detailed account could ever make real the problems, the anxiety,
the organisation, the unwearied heroic efforts which such an advance
must entail when the great German army, now composed of veterans
deeply skilled in every wile of modern warfare, were beaten out of
position after position, and could find no safe refuge anywhere from
the nation whose military weakness had for so long been its standing
jest.




{229}

CHAPTER IX

OPERATIONS OF BYNG'S THIRD ARMY

From the Battle of the Selle, October 12, to the end

The battle of the Selle River--Reversion to open warfare--The valour
of Lancashire--Haig's incessant blows--Weakening of the German
morale--The battle of Mormal Forest--New Zealanders and the mediaeval
fortress--Capture of the great forest--The Sambre bridged---A grand
Division--Advance of Fergusson's Seventeenth Corps--The last phase.


The River Selle is a small stream, only thirty feet across but of
some depth, and it ran right athwart the course of the Army, with
every indication that the enemy had built up a line of resistance
behind it.  How far this was a strong rearguard or how far it was a
do-or-die line of battle could only be determined by actual assault.
The river runs through swampy meadows from Neuvilly past Biastre to
Solesmes.  On the far bank the ground slopes up uniformly to a
hog-backed ridge, with a road and railway running between Neuvilly
and Solesmes, rather more than half-way up the slope.  The railway
joined other lines south of the latter town, forming a triangular
embankment of great strength strongly defended by machine-guns, as
was the whole railway line and the string of villages across the Army
front, which was the northern prolongation of that described
previously.  {230} It was a position of great natural strength, made
more awkward by the presence of civilians in the villages, and by a
damming of the river which broadened it in parts into a lake.  The
first move of General Byng was to endeavour to seize the high ground
on the east of the river, so as to make a strong point which would
cover the bridge-building operations.  We shall describe the
successive operations from the south or right, beginning with Shute's
Fifth Corps, still working in close liaison with Morland's Thirteenth
Corps on the right, the flank unit of the Fourth Army.  It may be
premised that the warfare from now onwards was very different from
that which had preceded the capture of the great German lines.  The
trench, the bomb, and the wire all played subsidiary parts.  An
officer of pre-war Aldershot experience, or even the great Duke
himself with his Peninsular prejudices, would have found himself able
to appreciate the situation.  That great shade, could he have ridden
Copenhagen in the heart of this wonderful army, would have seen, as
of yore, shells which burst over the enemy's position; he would have
seen cavalry scouts who were the advanced posts of the marching army;
he would have seen lines of skirmishers behind them; he would have
seen mounted officers who carried personal reports; and he would have
seen columns of route marching in fours down every road, and breaking
up into small clumps of artillery formation as they came under fire.
All this would have been familiar, and all this he would have seen
had he been present in these later phases of the great war.

[Sidenote: Oct. 12.]

The attack was launched at 5 A.M. on October 12, when the advanced
guard of the Thirty-third and {231} Seventeenth Divisions, under
Generals Pinney and Robertson, advanced upon the high ground which
faced them.  They were working in close liaison with the
Thirty-seventh on the left, and with the Sixty-sixth Lancashire
Territorials on the right, these being the flank units of the Fourth
and Thirteenth Corps respectively.  The line of the advance was to
the north of Montay, and it went very well at first, so that by 7.45
Pinney's men were far forward and consolidating on the left, though
on the right they were unable to penetrate beyond the railway line.
The attack of the Seventeenth on the left reached the high ground
1000 yards north-east of Neuvilly, but on the south side of that
village could not get past the line of the Montay-Neuvilly Road,
where the 9th West Ridings of the 52nd Brigade were heavily engaged.
Neuvilly was gained, but while the troops were mopping it up a strong
German counter-attack drove down from the Amerval direction, dashed
up against the left of Pinney's Division and threw it back to the
line of the railway.  So great was the pressure and so continuous,
that the Thirty-third could not hold any of its gains, and found
itself in the afternoon on the west of the Selle River once more,
save for the right-hand battalion, who held tight all day along the
line of the road between the railway and the river.

The Seventeenth Division on the high ground north-east of Neuvilly
was now in a very dangerous position, as the Thirty-seventh had not
come up on its left, so that both its flanks were in the air.  The
12th Manchesters stood firm, however, with little support, until
about 3 P.M., when a creeping barrage with an infantry attack behind
it drove them west {232} of the railway, with serious losses, to a
point 200 yards east of the river.  The result was that the final
line, when night fell upon this long and trying day, was across the
river at both extreme flanks, but west of the river in the middle.

From the point of view of the Fourth Corps on the left the 12th had
not been a very satisfactory day either.  The Thirty-seventh had
reached the crest of the opposite hill, but the New Zealanders on
their left had not taken Bellevue, while Neuvilly on the right had
never been thoroughly cleared.  About 5 P.M. the German
counter-attack, made in four waves, came down upon the
Thirty-seventh, supported by flank fire from both villages.  It
reached Neuvilly in the Seventeenth Division sector, and then turned
right so as to enfilade the Thirty-seventh, with the result that the
latter were forced to evacuate both the hill and the railway line,
but still held on to the east bank of the river, where a steep
escarpment gave some protection.  Thus ended this weary day, which
had not involved the Sixth Corps on the north, but had exposed both
the southern Corps of the Third Army to heavy losses with barren
results.

[Sidenote: Oct. 20.]

A week now elapsed, which was marked by very heavy artillery work on
both sides, the Germans endeavouring to prevent the British from
assembling, while the British tried to break down the machine-gun
nests and strong points which faced them, especially in Neuvilly.
There were several daring minor engagements in which patrols
endeavoured to widen or strengthen the front, so keen being the
contest that sometimes posts were taken and retaken several times in
one night.  There was, it must be admitted, no obvious local sign of
any failure in German {233} morale.  It was not until October 20 that
the offensive was resumed upon a large scale by the Fifth and Fourth
Corps, in conjunction with a full-dress attack by the whole of the
Fourth Army in the south.

The Fifth Corps advanced with Cubitt's Thirty-eighth Welsh on the
right, and the Seventeenth Division on the left.  Neither line had
far to go before clashing with the enemy, for the outposts were
almost touching each other.  The attack began in the dark at 2 in the
morning, the British having indulged in previous heavy shoots at
night, in the hope, which was justified by the result, that the real
barrage would be taken as being of a similar temporary nature.  The
Welshmen had a desperate experience at first, a quarry, a farm, and
the old railway embankment all forming difficult obstacles.  In the
case of the quarry, every man of the original storming party became a
casualty, but it was taken by their successors.  The rain was heavy,
the slopes slippery, the mud deep, and the whole of the conditions
about as bad as they could be, which was the more serious as the
tanks were put out of action thereby.

The 50th Brigade of the Seventeenth Division, with the 7th East Yorks
and 6th Dorsets in the lead, had been launched upon Neuvilly with
instructions to avoid a frontal attack, but to endeavour to get round
to north and south so as to pinch it out; while the guns bombarded it
and kept the machine-gunners in their lairs.  South of the village
the attack advanced rapidly through the mirk of a most inclement
night.  The first lines of machine-guns were overrun and destroyed.
The wave of men then fought their way through some wire, and got as
far {234} as the embankment, which was thickly garnished with light
artillery.  Before dawn the 10th West Yorkshires closed in upon
Neuvilly, and in spite of several obstinate machine-guns cleared the
place and took the survivors prisoners, most of them being dragged
out of cellars.  Pushing on, the Seventeenth Division after several
vicissitudes captured the village of Amerval, but were pushed out of
it again by a counter-attack, finally regaining it after dark.  The
7th Borders took this village, but lost both their commander and
their adjutant in doing so.  The Thirty-eighth had kept its line all
through, so that by evening the whole objective was practically in
the hands of the British after a very prolonged and stubborn fight,
in the course of which the Corps had taken four guns and 600
prisoners.

Meanwhile Harper's Fourth Corps on the left had also gone forward at
2 A.M., their objective being the high ground to the south of
Solesmes.  The plan was that the Sixth Corps should take the ground
to the north of the village, but the whole operations were made very
difficult by the knowledge that the civilian inhabitants were still
there, and that the guns had therefore to be used sparingly.  When
once the points on both sides had been occupied it was hoped that the
Sixty-second Division of the Sixth Corps would be able to capture the
place.  The advance of the Fourth Corps was made with the Fifth
Division on the right and the Forty-second on the left.  The line of
the railway and the high ground east of it were successively
occupied, though the fire was heavy and the finest qualities were
needed in the soldiers who breasted the hill with lines of
machine-guns flashing at them from the {235} hawthorn hedges of the
embankment.  In the attack upon the hamlet of Marou the 127th Brigade
of the Forty-second Division showed the usual Lancastrian gallantry.
There are no finer, tougher soldiers in the world, either in attack
or defence, than these North Countrymen.  On one occasion on this
day, a company of the 5th Manchesters being pinned down, it was
essential to convey news of their position to their supports.  Four
volunteers started in succession across the open bullet-swept plain,
and all four were shot down.  None the less Private Wilkinson
volunteered as the fifth and actually got through unscathed and saved
the situation.  For this and other exertions during the day he
received the Victoria Cross.  The 1st and 3rd Guards Brigade had gone
forward on the front of the Sixth Corps, with the 2nd Brigade in
immediate support, and these magnificent troops, taking St. Python in
their stride, beat down all opposition and by 7.30 were in their
appointed place to the north of the village.  The two flanks being
thus secured, the Sixty-second went in between them with their usual
vigour and, according to plan, assaulted the place from the west,
fighting their way into it and out at the other side, the 186th
Brigade taking the village while the 185th passed through it for a
fresh advance.  The 2/4 York and Lancaster aided in mopping up the
village, which entailed some very severe fighting from house to
house, as dangerous often as entering a cave in which lurks some
wounded beast of prey.  It was on this occasion that Corporal Daykins
won his Cross, leading the twelve men, who were the only survivors of
his platoon, with that mixture of wile and courage which is the ideal
combination.  He not only cleared {236} the front of his own platoon,
but perceiving that his neighbours were held up he started out alone
to their assistance, with such success that he brought back a
machine-gun and 25 more prisoners as the prize of his own unaided
effort.

[Sidenote: Oct. 21-23.]

The 3rd Guards Brigade on the extreme left attempting to make good
the Solesmes-Valenciennes Road, were checked for a time by very heavy
fire, but overcame the difficulty, and soon the Guards had their full
objective, and were in touch with the Nineteenth Division on the
flank of the Seventeenth Corps on their left at Maison Blanche.  The
Forty-second Division on the right had got well forward, but was
checked at last on the line of the Beart brook, which caused the
Sixty-second on their left to throw out a defensive flank and put
limits to their advance.  The Fifth Division on the extreme right had
also been held, and were finally driven off the high ground south of
Marou by a sharp counter-stroke of the enemy.  By evening the Fifth
and Forty-second had secured almost their full objectives, the
Manchester battalions having borne the brunt of the fighting.  The
Fourth Corps had taken over 1000 prisoners.  The Sixth Corps had also
gone to its full limit, the Guards and Sixty-second having cleared
everything in front of them and sent back 700 prisoners.  It had been
a most successful day; but the hardest work had fallen upon the
Fourth Corps, both divisions having been badly knocked about.  It was
determined to spend a day therefore in consolidating the gains, and
to continue the advance on October 23.

[Sidenote: Oct. 23.]

On that date the Fifth Corps on the right went forward once again,
with the Thirty-third Division {237} on the right and the
Twenty-first on the left.  If we attempt to describe the action from
the broad point of view of the whole Corps front, the order of battle
from the right was the Thirty-third, Twenty-first, Fifth,
Forty-second, Third, and Second.  On the front of the Sixth Corps
there was a sudden outburst of artillery fire during the assembly of
the troops, which unhappily caught the Third Division and caused many
casualties.  It is a hard test even for the most veteran troops to be
under a hurricane of shells in the dark and cold of an autumn night,
but the men of the Iron Division came into the battle as blithely as
ever.  The Harpies River, and a whole screen of villages and of
woods, with the great Forest of Mormal at their back, were the
immediate obstacles which confronted the Army.  On the right the
village of Forest was soon secured, though an obstinate pocket held
out for some time to the north-east of it.  The enemy in this quarter
could be seen retiring in small parties towards Vendegies and the
wood near that village.  The Thirty-third Division on the flank had a
greater volume of fire to contend with and was rather slower than the
Twenty-first, which never halted until it was close to Vendegies,
reaching it at 10 A.M.  The defence was thickening, however, and both
divisions had very heavy going in the afternoon, though the 19th
Brigade of the Thirty-third Division fought its way along the north
of Vendegies Wood, and reached its allotted line, while the 98th
Brigade was held up by the fire from Bousies.  As the farther line
was reached the two reserve brigades of each division--the 62nd and
the 100th Brigades--were pushed up to take the burden from those who
{238} were wearied out by the long and strenuous day.  Nearly 800
prisoners had fallen to the Fifth Corps.

The Fourth Corps had the preliminary task of clearing the south side
of the St. Georges River, and taking the village of Beaurain.  This
was allotted to the Fifth and Forty-second Divisions, but the leading
brigade of the former was caught in the artillery attack already
alluded to, with the result that it sustained losses which seriously
crippled it.  None the less the attack started up to time and was
successfully carried out, save that Beaurain could not be cleared--a
fact which necessitated a change in barrage, no easy matter after a
great action is launched.  The 125th Lancashire Fusilier Brigade of
the Forty-second Division did particularly fine work.  The
Thirty-seventh Division and the New Zealanders, Canterbury and Otago
in the van, had now passed through the ranks of their comrades, and
as there were signs of German disorganisation the pressure was
strenuously maintained.  As a result the New Zealanders captured the
crossings over the Ecaillon River before they could be destroyed, and
reached the edge of Le Quesnoy, while the Thirty-seventh seized
Ghissignies with its bridge.  It was a great day's work for Harper's
Corps.

On the left the Third and Second Divisions had advanced on
single-brigade fronts, the 76th and 5th being in the lead.  The 1st
Gordons of the 76th advancing rapidly, cleared the village of
Romeries after a very sharp tussle.  A battalion commander and 600
men were taken.  The rest of the brigade then passed through it and
carried the line forward.  It was evident this day that the Germans,
though hard in patches, were really becoming demoralised {239} under
the pounding of the British, and that they had lost all stomach for
the fray.  Several well-placed machine-guns were abandoned by their
crews without a shot being fired, and serious opposition seemed at
places to be at an end.  Both the 8th Royal Lancasters and the 2nd
Suffolks went through every defence like paper.  The 8th Brigade then
took up the running, and the 2nd Royal Scots carried Vertain with 200
more prisoners, while the 1st Scots Fusiliers took Escarmain also
with 200 Germans.  Patrols were sent forward as far as the Ecaillon
River and few of the enemy appeared to be left upon the southern bank.

Meanwhile the 5th Brigade on the left had passed to the north of
Vertain and swept forward, keeping level with the Nineteenth Division
on their left.  They co-operated in the capture of Escarmain, and the
rest of the Second Division made its way through Capelle, and lined
the Capelle-St. Martin Road, the latter village having been taken by
the Nineteenth Division.  So demoralised did the Germans appear on
this flank, with their gun-teams all out in the open ready to limber
up, that it appeared as if unlimited progress could be made by
Haldane's Corps, but it was known that the enemy were in a sterner
mood to the south and that the Fourth and Fifth Corps, though
victorious, had no assurance of an easy advance.  It was determined
therefore to renew the battle next morning before daylight.

[Sidenote: Oct. 24.]

At that hour the Thirty-third and Twenty-first Divisions again went
forward on the right, but the opposition in this quarter was still
very stiff.  Poix du Nord was captured by the Twenty-first {240} and
some 3000 inhabitants were found cowering in the cellars.
Englefontaine was at the same time attacked by the 100th Brigade of
the Thirty-third Division, but the machine-guns were busy and it was
some time before they could get a lodgment.  The Twenty-first was at
the same time held up on the road north of the village.  About 4 P.M.
the line moved forward again behind a fresh barrage, that refreshing
shower which revives the exhausted infantry.  The men of the 100th
Brigade got half-way through Englefontaine and remained there at
close grips with their tenacious adversaries, while the Twenty-first
fought their way forward to the south-east of Ghissignies, where they
were again pulled up.  The resistance on this southern section of the
Corps front was certainly very different from that experienced by
Haldane's Corps in the left flank.  Meanwhile the Fourth and Sixth
Corps were waiting for the Fourth Army and the Fifth Corps to swing
into line, but they made a short forward movement on October 24, the
Third Division passing through Ruesnes, while the New Zealanders on
their right kept pace with them.  Both the Fifth Corps on the right
and the Seventeenth Corps on the left were for the time rather behind
the general line, so that a long defensive flank had to be formed by
each of the Corps between them.  The Sixty-first Division had come in
on the right of the Seventeenth Corps, but it had at once run into a
sharp attack which drove it for the time out of
Vendegies-sur-Ecaillon.  During this day some attempt was made by the
Sixth Corps to push cavalry through, but every horse of two strong
patrols of Oxfordshire Hussars was shot, so that it was impossible to
persevere.

{241}

The village of Englefontaine had not yet been cleared, so after a
breathing-space of one day the Thirty-third Division attacked once
more, while its neighbour to the south, the Eighteenth Division,
co-operated by advancing upon Mount Carmel.  This attempt was
entirely successful, the 100th Brigade flooding over the village and
capturing 450 prisoners.  The Twenty-first Division at the same time
advanced its line on the north.

[Sidenote: Nov. 4.]

The Army had now outrun its communications and a halt was necessary.
It was Haig's policy, however, to continue raining down hammer blows
upon his reeling antagonist, so that all was ready for a big fresh
advance on November 4, which should be on an immense scale, involving
the fronts of the Fourth, Third, and First Armies.

The immediate objective in front of the right of the Third Army was
the formidable bulk of the Mormal Forest, after which the action may
well be named.  The advance on the front of the Fifth Corps was made
by the Thirty-eighth Welsh on the right and the Seventeenth Division
on the left, each brigade succeeding the other, as the various
objectives were reached.  The edge of the Forest was strongly held,
but when once it had been penetrated the progress along the sides was
rapid and the enemy freely surrendered.  So fair were the prospects
that the troops were ordered not to confine themselves to the
allotted objectives but to push on as far as they could.  The
ultimate aim was to gain a passage over the Sambre, though this
seemed to be more than one day's work could possibly accomplish.

The Thirty-eighth Division attained its full objectives, but the
Seventeenth met with a lively {242} resistance in Locquignol, and was
held up for a time.  The weather had broken and the rain was falling,
but in spite of the depressing surroundings the fighting line pressed
on.  The 13th Welsh Regiment moving forward with great dash pushed
patrols into Barbaras, where many rifles scattered over the ground
pointed to the German demoralisation.  All night the Welshmen pushed
forward, and Berlaimont was taken in the early morning.  At the same
hour the Seventeenth Division, having overcome their difficulties,
were nearly as far forward on their left.  The Forest had been
expected to form a greater obstacle than was really the case, for
when once it was entered it was found that the clearings were so
extensive that save in patches it was hardly an obstacle at all.

The Fourth Corps had gone forward on November 4 with the
Thirty-seventh Division on the right and the New Zealanders on the
left.  The latter were to advance upon either side of Le Quesnoy,
which was to be encircled and taken.  The town, which was an
old-fashioned walled fortress, was not shelled on account of the
inhabitants, but smoke- and oil-drums were fired on to the ramparts.

The attack was a complete success and swept over every obstacle
without a check, save for some short delay caused by a strong point
missed by the barrage in front of the Thirty-seventh Division.
Louvignies and Jolimetz were taken by the Thirty-seventh, which
pushed on to establish itself within the Forest.  The New Zealanders
left Hart's Brigade to invest Le Quesnoy and also advanced rapidly
into the Forest, capturing many prisoners and guns.  Le Quesnoy was
now completely isolated, but the ancient walls and gateways were
strongly defended by all modern {243} devices, and a machine-gun
clattered through the slit where a bow may once have been bent.  An
officer with a flag of truce got no response.  An aeroplane was then
sent over, which dropped the message that our troops were in the
Forest far to the east, and that a surrender would be the wisest
course.  The enemy, however, would have none of it.  A forlorn hope
of New Zealanders then approached with a scaling-ladder in the good
old style, and swarmed up the walls.  There was only one ladder and
three successive walls, but in some miraculous fashion the whole of
the 4th New Zealand Battalion reached the top of the rampart, with
the loss of one man.  This was accomplished by sweeping the walls
round with such a fire that the defenders could not even peep over.
On seeing that they had reached the rampart the German commander at
last hoisted the white flag.  The garrison consisted of about 1000
men.

The Sixth Corps advanced with the Sixty-second on the right and the
Guards on the left, each on a two-brigade front.  Both divisions went
forward from the beginning without a hitch, prisoners streaming back.
As they advanced, however, they came into heavy machine-gun fire from
the orchards south-west of Frasnoy and south of Wargnies, where for a
time the Guards were held up.  The country here was very enclosed and
thickly hedged, which made progress slow.  By evening, however, the
objectives had been reached, the orchards cleared, with Frasnoy,
Preux-au-Sart, and 1000 prisoners to show for their day's work.
Altogether this battle of Mormal Forest had been a day of triumph for
the Third Army, and especially for the Fourth Corps in the centre.
It was a great victory, in which on this front alone some {244} 7000
prisoners and about 100 guns were taken, while the Germans had been
beaten, with great loss, out of a position which, in their old form,
they would have held for a month.  So complete was the German
break-up that several batteries were taken by the Fourth Corps, with
horses, mounted officers, and all complete, and were then despatched
in full working order to the rear.  When one recalls how their papers
and critics had clamoured for open warfare against the untrained
British levies the result must have surprised them.  At the end of
the fight the British line was well up to the great forest.

[Sidenote: Nov. 4-5.]

In the evening the old Fifth Division, now at last reaching the end
of those labours which had lasted for more than four terrible years
without a break, came into the field once more.  It would be
interesting to know whether there was a single man left in the ranks
of those who had skirted Mormal Forest in August 1914 among the eager
battalions which now faced the same obstacle.  It is of course true
that even the units had been largely altered in the interval, and yet
some of the grand old battalions still marched in their honoured
formations, changed in all save that eternal spirit which has made
and kept them famous.  The Fifth Division was ordered to pass through
the ranks of the Thirty-seventh after dawn at the western edge of
Mormal Forest, and to push onwards to the east.  General Oldman of
the 15th Brigade on the left advanced on a one-battalion front, and
kept the 1st Bedfords, 1st Norfolks, and 1st Cheshires leapfrogging
through each other as often as possible in order to minimise the
difficulties of the Forest.  General Norton of the 95th Brigade on
the right of the line attacked with the 1st East Surreys and {245}
1st Cornwalls in the van, and the 1st Devons in reserve.  All day the
Fifth Division clove its way through the great forest, the British
front, like a line of beaters, putting up the game as it went.  For
the most part it was but a faint-hearted quarry, but here and there
it stood fiercely at bay, and trench mortars had to be rushed up and
strong points blown down, before the infantry could get forward.  The
3rd Hussars kept pace and connected up with the New Zealanders on the
left.  Pelting rain, deep mud, and broken tracks delayed, but could
not stop, the ardent advance, which continued until the leading line
was down on the bank of the Sambre, where they were joined next day
by the van of the Forty-second Division, which had relieved the New
Zealanders.  One bridge at Quartes was found intact and was ready for
demolition, but Major Cloutman of the Sappers, commanding the 59th
Field Company, with extraordinary gallantry rolled across the
tow-path, swam the river, and cut the leads of the charge, all under
very heavy fire.  It was a most daring deed, which was rewarded by a
V.C., but unhappily a small party of the enemy with equal gallantry
succeeded in repairing the leads and destroying the bridge.

[Sidenote: Nov. 5, Nov. 7.]

The operations on the right and centre of the Third Army front now
took the form of an advance to complete the possession of the Forest
of Mormal.  On November 5 the Thirty-third and Twenty-first Divisions
were back in line, and, working in close liaison with the Eighteenth
Division on the left of the Fourth Army, they pushed the advance up
to the bank of the Sambre.  Here it was found that all bridges had
been destroyed, and there was a check while the Twenty-first to the
north were making {246} good the rest of the Forest and breaking out
in little groups of khaki from the eastern edge.  That night they
threw light bridges over the Sambre and got some infantry across, the
line running from north of Leval to east of Berlaimont.  The left of
the Twenty-first Division was still west of the river.  Next day,
November 6, the remorseless advance still went on.  Transport was
failing, for the roads through the Forest were impossibly bad, but
nothing could stop the eager infantry, who were in full cry with
their quarry in the open.  A number of villages were taken, each of
which was full of machine-guns, and showed some fight.  By dusk the
line of the Avesnes-Bavay Road had been made good.  On November 7 the
German retreat still continued, but the British had still to fight
their way and their progress was far from being a walking-tour.  Both
the Thirty-third and Twenty-first had a sharp fight before they could
dislodge the rearguards from the Bois du Temple, Ecuelin, and
Limont-Fontaine.  Campbell's men had a particularly hard task with
the latter, which was strongly garrisoned and stoutly defended, while
the neighbouring village of Eclaises also presented a bold front.
There was a real close infantry battle, with some savage
house-to-house fighting, before these points could be cleared.  130
prisoners were taken.  The war had now left the open arable country
and come into the country of small enclosed orchards with high
hedges, which blinded the German observers, since they had already
lost command of the air.  This was a very vital point.  On November 8
the Welsh and Seventeenth were in the front line once more, and the
enemy was found to be still very organised and resolute on this
sector, {247} fighting hard and with some success to hold the line of
a watercourse.  Finally this opposition weakened, or it might be more
fair to say that the brave rearguard, having done its work, was
withdrawn.  On November 9 the Fifth Corps got along rapidly, gaining
the eastern edge of the Bois du Temple and the high ground east of
Beaufort.  For a time all contact was lost with the enemy, who were
rapidly retreating, and they were not located again until they were
on the line of the River Thure.  The roads had been blown up, and
pursuit was much retarded.  The difficulties of the advance were much
aggravated by the impossibility of getting the supplies forward.
Many delay-action mines had gone up in the railways in the rear,
which prevented rail-heads from being rapidly advanced.  It is a
fact, which is typical of the ghoulish humour of German methods, that
after several explosions in the Le Cateau station it occurred to some
one to dig up the graves which were marked in German as covering the
remains of some unknown British soldiers and were placed near the
line.  In each case a delay-action mine was discovered all set for
different dates.  It was determined, therefore, in order to economise
supplies, that a single Corps, the Sixth, should form the whole front
of the Third Army from this time onwards.  This change was
accomplished, and the vanguard had just got in touch with the Germans
on the River Thure, when the historic November 11 came to end the
hostilities.

[Sidenote: Nov. 9.]

The troops of the Fourth Corps had moved forward from November 4
onwards in close liaison with the advance just recorded.  The Fifth
Division captured Pont-sur-Sambre, Boussières, and St. Remy, while
the Forty-second occupied Hautmont, so that on {248} November 9 the
Corps line was the Avesnes-Maubeuge Road.  There they found
themselves when the bugles sounded the final "Cease fire."  The
record of Harper's Corps since August 21 can be tersely summed up in
a few figures.  They had lost 30,000 men.  They had captured 22,500
prisoners and 350 guns, fighting for ten weeks without rest or break,
and often in the worst of weather.  The record of all the divisions
was splendid, but this is perhaps the place to say a special word
about the New Zealanders, which, in the judgement of many soldiers,
was, if it be not invidious to say so, equal to the very best
division in France.  When it is stated that during the war they lost
57,632 men, and that the total number of prisoners taken from them is
reported to have been 45, these extraordinary figures make all
further comment superfluous.  But what was particularly remarkable
was their appreciation of a military situation which more than once
altered the whole strategic situation.  Thus it was their discovery
that the Crevecœur bridge was intact, and their rapidity in
seizing it and tenacity in holding it and the village, which
threatened the whole Beaurevoir line and helped to reduce to nullity
one of the greatest defences ever created by German engineers.  These
men return to their island homes bearing with them the deep
admiration of their comrades and the gratitude of the Empire.  They
joined discipline in peace to valour in war, and England was the
poorer when the last red hat-band was seen in the streets of her
cities.

[Sidenote: Nov. 4-9.]

The Sixth Corps, after the battle of Mormal Forest, pushed on to the
east, and was rather impeded by the water-logged country than by the
German resistance.  On November 6 there was a counter-attack {249}
upon the Sixty-second Division, which made no headway and had heavy
losses.  Bavisaux, Obies, and many other villages were taken, the
church in the latter place containing thirty machine-guns.  The
Guards on the left took Buvignies, while the Twenty-fourth Division
upon their north held the line of the Hongnau River.  On November 7
the resistance was still negligible, but the continuous rain and the
wooded nature of the country made rapid progress almost impossible.
That evening General Haldane received the surprising news that it was
probable that the enemy would send emissaries through the Allied
lines with a view to negotiating an armistice, his instructions being
that if they approached his front they should be detained pending
instructions from higher authority.  In the evening it was learned
that they had actually reached the French lines.  The fighting still
continued, however, and on November 9 the Sixty-second Division had
reached the Sambre.  The Guards on the same day pushed forward
rapidly and entered the citadel of Maubeuge in the afternoon.  It was
difficult to get touch with the enemy, who were reported to be
standing at Boussois.  At this period, as already told, the Sixth
Corps took over the whole Army front, and was advancing upon the
Maubeuge-Charleroi front when the fateful hour struck.

The record of the Sixth Corps during their ten final weeks of work
had been a magnificent one, and was strangely parallel to that of the
Fourth Corps on their right.  Their losses had been almost identical,
about 30,000 men.  Their prisoners came to over 20,000 and their
captured guns were 350.  The Fifth Corps, on the other hand, had
endured more than its {250} neighbours, having lost no less than
34,000 men.  It had captured 13,000 prisoners.  Altogether the losses
of the Third Army during the final ten weeks had been 100,000 men,
while they had taken about 60,000 prisoners with nearly 1000 guns.

[Sidenote: Oct 16-20.]

We have considered the advance of the three southern Corps of the
Third Army.  In order to complete the record it is necessary to
return to October 13, and to trace the operations of Fergusson's
Seventeenth Corps, which were left on that date in front of the Selle
River.  On October 14 the 72nd Brigade of the Twenty-fourth Division,
which was in the van, gained a footing at the edge of Haussy village,
which straddles the river.  On October 16 this same brigade took the
whole village on either bank.  The left of the line was held up,
however, by a particularly heavy gas screen.  Later in the day the
Germans were into Haussy once more, but again were pushed out from
the western section of it, on which they gas-shelled it, to the
destruction of a number of unfortunate civilians who had been unable
to get away.  400 prisoners were taken during the day.  October 17
saw the British line where it had been on the 15th, as the gas clouds
hanging low over the river valley made the position down there
untenable.

On October 20, a rainy and tempestuous day, the general advance of
the whole Third Army was resumed.  The Nineteenth Division having
relieved the Twenty-fourth, carried out the advance on the front of
the Seventeenth Corps, having in touch with it the Fourth Division of
the Twenty-second Corps on the left, and the Guards of the Sixth
Corps on the right.  The attack of the Nineteenth {251} Division had
for its first objective the bridging of the Selle, the capture of the
railway and high ground beyond, and of the village of East Haussy.
The second stage should be the ridge to the east.  Two brigades
advanced--the 57th on the left and the 58th on the right--behind a
fine barrage from eleven brigades of artillery.

[Sidenote: Oct 20-25.]

The attack was started at 2 in the morning, and before 4 A.M. the
57th Brigade were in the whole of Haussy, the resistance having been
slight.  At 6 o'clock the 8th Gloucesters, on the extreme right, had
reached their final objective, where they were endeavouring to get
touch with the Guards in the neighbourhood of Maison Blanche.  The
10th Warwicks were held up on the left, but soon cleared out the
obnoxious pocket.  By 9 o'clock the 58th Brigade was also on its
extreme limit, and an obstinate strong point was surrounded and
destroyed.  In this brigade the 2nd Wiltshires had the worst ordeal,
but they won through at last.  Patrols on the right had reached the
banks of the Harpies.  The blow had, as must be admitted, been
delivered in the air, but the river line had been won, and that was
the essential.

On October 23 the part played by the Seventeenth Corps was subsidiary
to that of the Corps to the north and to the south.  On this date the
Nineteenth Division was ordered to protect the left flank of the
Sixth Corps in its advance on Romeries and Escarmain.  This was duly
carried out by the 8th Gloucesters and 10th Warwicks, and contributed
greatly to the victory in the south.  That night the Sixty-first
South Midland Division took over from the Nineteenth Division, with
an ambitious programme for next day, October 24.  In the course of
{252} this attack the 183rd Brigade advanced on the right and the
182nd on the left, their objectives including the villages of
Bermerain, Vendegies, and Sommaing.  There followed a confused day of
hard fighting, the general movement being always from west to east.
All three villages were most hotly contested.  Vendegies proved to be
a special centre of resistance, but on the morning of October 25 it
was found to be unoccupied, and the whole resistance had relaxed to
such an extent that the front of the Army flowed slowly forward with
hardly a check, submerging fresh areas and villages until it had
reached the Rhonelle River, where a bridge-head was established on
the front of the Twenty-second Corps.

[Sidenote: Nov. 1-4.]

On November 1 the advance was resumed, when Maresches was attacked by
the Sixty-first Division, the Warwicks and Worcesters of the 182nd
Brigade being in the lead.  The village was taken with about three
hundred of the garrison.  Preseau on the left had fallen.  This was
the centre of a violent counter-attack in the afternoon, which
involved the right of the Fourth and the left of the Sixty-first
Divisions.  Four German tanks co-operated, two of which were
destroyed by the British guns.  This attack pressed back the advance
from its furthest point, but made no material change in the
situation, though Preseau was regained by the Germans, with the
effect that their machine-guns from this point held up the left flank
of the 184th Brigade in their further advance.  Nearly 800 prisoners
were made during the day.

The advance was renewed next morning, November 2, and again the
resistance seemed to wane, so that by midday the full objectives
planned, but not {253} attained, on the previous day had been reached
with little loss, the Sixty-first moving onwards in close touch with
the Fourth on their left and the Second on their right.  The
Sixty-first were now drawn out of the line, and the Nineteenth and
Twenty-fourth each sent up a brigade to take their place.

[Sidenote: Nov. 3-4.]

November 3 found the front of the Corps still pushing forward without
undue opposition.  In the late afternoon the 9th Cheshires of the
56th Brigade were in Jenlain in touch with the Eleventh Division upon
their left.  The whole of the Jenlain-Le Quesnoy Road had been
reached along the Corps front, and once again it seemed as if the
cavalry might get their long-sought opportunity.  Next morning,
however, November 4, found the stubborn German still standing grimly
on the defensive, and the infantry went forward once more to
pitch-fork him a little farther to the east.  It was a great general
attack in which the three Armies, First, Third, and Fourth, all moved
forward against the Avesnes-Maubeuge-Mons line.  On the front of the
Seventeenth Corps there was no very outstanding objective, and yet it
was of course essential that they should keep well up with the line,
if only in order to cover the flanks of their neighbours.

The right of the Corps when the advance began consisted of the 73rd
Brigade of the Twenty-fourth Division.  On its left was the 56th
Brigade, and to the left of that the 58th, both of the Nineteenth
Division.  Both infantry and artillery had to find their battle
stations in pitch darkness, but all were in their places at zero.  At
6 o'clock the line went forward, faced in the first instance by a
small stream, the Petit Aunelle, which was safely crossed, though its
banks were in places 30 feet deep.  At 10 o'clock {254} both
divisions had gained the higher ground beyond the stream.  By midday
the Twenty-fourth Division had reached the Great Aunelle River, and a
party of the 7th Northamptons drove away with their accurate
rifle-fire the German sappers who were endeavouring to destroy the
bridge, but could not themselves cross on account of the heavy German
fire.  The 2nd Wilts of the Nineteenth Division had their patrols in
Eth.  To the north the Eleventh Division was over the river, and the
German position was rapidly becoming impossible, though they were
counter-attacking with great valour upon the farther bank of the
stream.  Before evening Wargnies had fallen to the 9th Cheshires, and
the whole British front was up to or over the Aunelle.  The advance
was carried on in pouring rain on November 5, a further area being
gained up to the Hongnau River and the position strengthened, though
the amount of ground on the farther side of the river was still
limited and varied with the German counter-attacks which occasionally
swept back the intrusive bridge-heads, but only to have them
re-established once more.  The troops were soaked, the ground was
sodden, the infantry were over the ankles in mud, and every one was
exhausted.

[Sidenote: Nov. 4-7.]

On the morning of November 7 this line of the Hongnau had been
abandoned by the Germans and the advance was resumed.  It must surely
have been at this period of the war one of the most impressive sights
in the whole history of the world, could one with a single sweeping
glance have seen that gigantic line from the left wing of the
Belgians on the Dutch frontier to the right wing of the French within
view of the Swiss, moving forward every day, millions of {255} men
advancing together, with the flash of their bayonets before them and
the red glare of their shells in front of them, while along that
whole front of four hundred miles the grey cloud, like some visible
thing of evil, rolled slowly back in front, leaving bare the ground
which it had blighted and poisoned.  It was clear to all men that the
end was near, and yet few dared to hope how near it actually proved
to be.

[Sidenote: Nov. 7-9.]

On November 7 the Twenty-fourth Division took over Bavay, which had
just been captured by the Guards.  The weather conditions were more
serious than the German opposition, and the advance was held back by
the dreadful roads.  None the less a long succession of villages were
wrenched from the enemy--Taisnières, Feignies, and others--while on
November 9 the Guards were in Maubeuge on the right.  From this time
there was practically no more fighting, and only a slow advance on
the one side and a slow retreat on the other until the fateful
November 11.  To quote the memorandum of a General Officer upon the
spot: "The moral effect of retirement upon the enemy was very marked,
and it was found that even his machine-gunners, who had fought very
well all through our advance, were beginning to feel the effect, and
would not stand once a field-gun was brought up to deal with them."




{256}

CHAPTER X

THE ADVANCE OF HORNE'S FIRST ARMY

From September 27 to the end

The Canadians at the Canal du Nord--Hard fighting at Bourlon--Strong
counter attack at Abancourt--Canadian valour--Godley's Twenty-Second
Corps--The Ecaillon valley--Forcing of the Rhonelle--General
Heneker's attack--Capture of Douai.

[Sidenote: Sept. 27-29.]

On September 27 the Canadian Corps, with the Eleventh British
Division, attacked once more, the advance joining the left flank of
that huge movement in which the First, Third, and Fourth Armies were
all engaged.  The Twenty-second and Eighth Corps to the north were
not engaged, but made a vigorous demonstration in support.  The
Canadian attack, which began at early dawn, was on a 6000-yard front,
from Mœuvres in the south to the Arras-Cambrai Road.  In this
advance the First and Fourth Canadian Divisions were, in the first
instance, to cross the Canal du Nord, and to capture Bourlon Wood and
village, with the high ground about Pilgrim's Rest.  This attack was
in conjunction with one upon the right made by the Seventeenth Corps,
where the Fifteenth and Sixty-third Divisions stormed the line of the
Canal du Nord east and south-east of Mœuvres, as already recorded.
This movement was entirely successful, though there was {257} very
obstinate resistance at Graincourt, which held up the advance for a
time.  The Fifty-seventh Division passed through, however, to the
north of this village and gained Cantaing and Fontaine, so that the
defenders of Graincourt, finding British troops behind them, were
forced to surrender.

[Illustration: General Position of the Allies immediately before the
Armistice of November 11, 1918]

The Canal du Nord had been emptied by the blowing up of sluice-gates,
and was quickly passed by the Canadian troops, who scrambled down one
side and up the other, with or without the aid of scaling-ladders.
At the other side they found much less resistance than had been
expected, which was greatly the result of a barrage which has seldom
been equalled for accuracy and intensity.  Captured German officers
declared that nothing could live under it.  The German guns were slow
and feeble in their reply, and the whole work of the enemy artillery
at this period showed how nervous it had become through the recent
heavy captures, and how much they appreciated the necessity of
keeping well to the rear.  The Canadian line poured on with little
loss and did not halt until it had seized its whole objective,
including the ground about Bourlon, which had been the scene of such
bitter and fruitless fighting ten months before.  Guardsmen and
Highlanders, men of Surrey and of Yorkshire, all who had fallen upon
and still lay within the soil of that sinister grove, were finally
justified and avenged that day.  The whole manoeuvre, by which a
large part of the German line was taken in the rear, elicited
expressions of surprise and admiration from captured German officers.

[Sidenote: Sept. 29.]

In the second stage of the Canadian attack the First Canadian and the
Eleventh British {258} Divisions--the latter on the extreme
left--took up the running, and carried the line forward in the
direction of Raillencourt and Haynecourt.  In the afternoon the 169th
Brigade of the Fifty-sixth Division also came in upon the left, near
the Arras-Cambrai Road, to clear the area between the Eleventh
Division and the Canal du Nord, the latter division having taken
Oisy-le-Verger.  There was constant fighting during the day in this
quarter, the 168th Brigade coming into action to the left of the
169th, and next morning the 8th Middlesex took Palluel.  They also
crossed the River Sensée and captured Arleux, but a strong barrage,
followed by an infantry attack, drove them out again at 3.30 on the
morning of September 29.  All these attacks, both of the Eleventh and
Fifty-sixth Divisions, were made, after crossing the Canal du Nord,
from south to north, so as to extend the left flank of the Canadians.

One of the predominating factors in these operations was the great
flood caused by the blocking of the Trinquis and Sensée rivers by the
Germans, which created wide lakes shown upon no map, across the front
of the Twenty-second Corps.  As a matter of fact this development was
regarded with some complacency by General Godley, for there had
always been a chance that the Germans, by driving a really strong
counter-attack along the line of the Scarpe, might checkmate the
whole British advance to the south.  The effect of the inundations
was to free the British higher command from any fears of the kind and
to enable them to hold that part very lightly, while they thickened
their line elsewhere.

We have left the Canadian line on September 28.  On this date the
Third Canadian Division, which {259} had relieved part of the Fourth
British on the right of the Corps front, attacked with the 7th and
9th Brigades in the van.  On its left was the 10th Canadian Brigade,
which in turn had the 2nd Canadian Brigade to the north of it.  The
Third Canadian Division made good progress and pushed through as far
as Raillencourt, but the First Canadian Division remained motionless,
as it was already rather in front of the general line.  The Eleventh
British Division was doing continuous good work in the north, but on
the morning of September 29 its 32nd Brigade was held up by a strong
field of wire, and the advance was checked in that quarter, but later
in the day the whole line pushed on once more, the order of brigades
from the north being 32 (British), 2, 12, 7, 9 (all four Canadian).
A mist covered the front, and from the heart of this impenetrable
cloud came the constant rattle of the German fire, while their
bullets swept every avenue of approach.  The progress was irregular,
but by 9.45 in the morning the 12th Canadian Brigade had taken
Sancourt and had entered Blecourt, where some fierce bludgeon work
was going on.  At 10 A.M. the 2nd Brigade had reached Abancourt
station, but the Eleventh Division were again held up in the north,
which exposed the left flank of the Canadians.  South of the Bapaume
Road the 9th Brigade was making steady progress, while the 7th had
reached Neuville St. Remy.  For a moment the 12th Canadian Brigade
was staggered by a heavy counter which broke upon it, but the ranks
soon rallied and the ground was regained.  It was desperately hard
fighting, however, and it was to continue day after day until all the
northern grit of General Currie's Corps was needed to sustain it.
{260} Early in the morning of September 30 they were at it again, the
immediate objects of the operations being the capture of the
bridge-heads on the Canal de l'Escaut by the Third and Fourth
Canadian Divisions, and secondly, that the high ground over the River
Sensée should be secured by the First Canadians and Eleventh British.

[Sidenote: Sept. 30.]

The attack began well, as the Third Canadian Division got Tilloy and
the Fourth got Blecourt.  There was some progress also along the
Cambrai Road, when the 3rd Canadians got Petit Fontaine.  It was "do
or die" with the Germans, however, who were keenly alive to the fact
that at all costs they must hold the bridge-heads of the Canal.  They
had put out a great effort, and had brought up three new fighting
divisions, making seven in all between Cambrai and the Sensée River.
Counter-attacks rolled one after the other from the east, but the
Canadians showed themselves as stiff in defence as they were ardent
in attack.  They might well be in high heart, for since September 27,
200 guns and 5500 prisoners were visible signs of their victory.

[Sidenote: Oct. 1.]

On October 1 the Fifty-sixth Division relieved the Eleventh and both
reverted to the Twenty-second Corps.  At 5 A.M. on that date the
Canadian attack was renewed, synchronising with that of the
Seventeenth Corps in the south and the Twenty-second in the north.
The order of brigades on the Canadian front was, from the north, 1,
3, 11, and 9.  The advance was made under a heavy barrage, but it met
with a most desperate resistance.  In this and the following day the
Canadians experienced as heavy fighting as any in their great record.
By 8 o'clock the general line had got as far as Canal {261}
bank-Morenchies Wood-Cuvillers-Bantigny-Abancourt.  Shortly
afterwards a very heavy German attack struck the whole Corps front,
rolling chiefly up the Bantigny valley, the hostile infantry emerging
from Paillencourt and thence pouring forward with great determination
in several lines.  The 1st Canadian Brigade in the north was bare
upon its left flank and was in sore straits, but the 3rd Brigade held
on fast to the slope which leads down to the Canal.  While swarms of
men attacked the British line a number of pockets developed in all
the ground which had been taken that day, so that the troops were
shot at from all sides.  The British artillery came to the rescue,
however, and caught the German masses as they advanced with murderous
results--one battery of heavies firing 1600 rounds.  None the less
the enemy won back Abancourt, and gained some ground along the whole
front, the battle centring upon Blecourt.

That night the British line, which was already much weakened by
prolonged fighting, and which was clearly opposed by superior forces,
halted for a time for reorganisation and reinforcement.  It has since
been proved that no fewer than thirteen German divisions were thrown
in upon this section of the line.

[Sidenote: Oct. 2.]

The work of the Canadian Corps in crossing the Nord Canal, following
upon their splendid work in breaking the Quéant-Drocourt line,
reasserted the fact, so often demonstrated before, that there are no
better soldiers in the world than those of the Dominion.  It has been
impossible to specify the innumerable acts of valour performed by
these brave men, but looking at the highest record of all, as
chronicled during these few days of battle, one finds that the
Victoria Cross was awarded to Captain {262} MacGregor and Lieut. Kerr
of the 1st Central Ontario Regiment, the first, after being himself
wounded, having killed four and taken eight of the enemy, while the
latter rushed a strong point single-handed and captured four
machine-guns with thirty-one prisoners.  Lieut. Gregg, of the Nova
Scotians, killed or wounded eleven of the enemy and took twenty-five
prisoners on September 28.  Lieut. Honey, of the 78th Manitobas,
captured a whole nest of guns single-handed, with ten prisoners,
dying of wounds on the last day of the attack, while Sergeant
Merisfield of the 4th Central Ontarios cleared out two posts by his
own initiative, and fought after being wounded until a second wound
left him senseless upon the ground.  Such were the iron men who have
made the name of Canada great in the battlefields of Europe.

[Sidenote: Oct. 7.]

For the sake of connected narrative we may carry on the story of the
Canadians from October 2, when their weakened ranks, after their
great and continuous exertions, were held by the strong German array
in front of Abancourt.  For the next few days, while gathering for a
fresh spring, the Canadians saw heavy palls of smoke over Cambrai,
while at night the dull red glow from great fires hinted at an
approaching retreat.  During the week which followed, the Seventeenth
Corps was, as has been told in their own chronicle, making splendid
progress to the south.  On October 7 the Second and Third Canadian
Divisions, rested and strengthened, renewed their advance.  On that
date they advanced with the old design of securing the bridge-heads
over the Canal, Pont d'Aire and Ramillies being their objectives, the
latter a name of good omen for any {263} British operation.  Rapid
progress was made, and it was soon evident that, be the machine-guns
ever so numerous and spiteful, it was still only a rear screen which
faced the attack.  The light of day had hardly come before the 5th
Brigade, after a short, sharp tussle, had possession of Pont d'Aire,
while the 6th Brigade got Ramillies.  The 8th Brigade, to its own
amazement, crossed the Canal without opposition, and pushed its
patrols into Cambrai.  It seems that at the moment of the attack the
Germans were caught in the confusion of their changes.  On October 8
Cambrai was cleared, huge fires were extinguished, and wires, by
which the destruction of the town might be completed, were traced and
cut.  An air reconnaissance at dawn on October 9 showed that the
enemy had cleared away from the whole area between the Sensée Canal
and the Canal de l'Escaut, having destroyed all the Sensée bridges.
The Seventeenth Corps sent the Twenty-fourth Division into Cambrai to
take it over, while there was an immediate pursuit of the retreating
enemy, in which General Currie pushed forward a mobile column, called
Brutinel's Brigade, which contained light guns and the Canadian Light
Horse.  Villages fell rapidly all along the line both to the
Canadians and to the British Eleventh Division on their left.

On October 10 a fresh line of resistance was reached, and the
Canadian Corps instantly attacked it, in conjunction with the
Eleventh Division.  The 4th Canadian Brigade advanced swiftly and got
Naves with little opposition.  The 6th Canadian Brigade took Thun St.
Martin.  The Eleventh Division got Estrun and reached the edge of Hem
Lenglet.

{264}

On October 11 the Second Canadian Division, together with the
Forty-ninth Yorkshire Territorials, who had relieved the Eleventh,
continued their advance, the Canadians met with heavy opposition from
Iwuy, and in the forenoon there came a heavy counter-attack, led by
seven tanks, six of which paid the penalty.  On October 12 the First
Canadian Division in the north found that their front was apparently
clear, so they swiftly advanced and took Arleux and Estrées, while
the Twenty-second Corps attacked on their right and reached Hordain.
On this day was the fine attack, recorded elsewhere, of the
Fifty-sixth British Division, which got across the Canal at Aubigny.
On October 17 the whole line of the Canal was clear, and the First
Canadian Division advanced towards Douai, which was occupied by the
Eighth British Division from the north.

[Sidenote: Oct. 12.]

No further important services were exacted from the Canadian Corps,
which had done its share, and more than its share, of the work, so
that it retired from the line with the warm admiration and respect of
every British soldier who had had experience of it.  From its first
dreadful baptism of fire, when it faced without masks the unknown
horrors of the poison gas, down to the campaign in which it broke the
great Quéant switch line, and forced the Canal du Nord, there was
never one single occasion upon which the Canadians did not rise to
the highest point of military virtue in actual battle.  Their record
will be fully set out in many a book which will deal fully and in
detail with their great deeds.  Such a chronicle as this can only
hope to help the reader to fit that fuller and more worthy record
into the general plan.

We shall now follow the work of Godley's Twenty-second {265} Corps
from the time that its right flank crossed the Canal du Nord in the
Marquion sector, taking its operations consecutively, and linking
them up with the Canadians on the south, who were now, as already
recorded, advancing upon Cambrai, bursting through every obstacle as
they went.  Early in October Hunter-Weston's Eighth Corps extended
down to the Scarpe.  There was great preparation for the future, but
no actual fighting, save for some outpost bickerings between the 12th
Brigade of the Fourth Division and the Germans on the north of the
Trinquis brook, in the course of which the British posts were
attacked--one of them as many as eight times--but remained untaken.
On October 7 the guns of the Twenty-second Corps co-operated in the
attack made on that day by the Eighth Corps in the north which
captured Biache St. Vaast, and a portion of the Fresnes-Rouvroy line.
On October 9 there was a reconnaissance of the northern part of the
Drocourt-Quéant line by strong patrols, but it was found that it was
still strongly held.  It was at this period that the Canadian Corps
was brought across to the left of the Twenty-second Corps, while the
latter moved south, so that it now lay between the Cambrai-Saulzoir
Road and the Canal de l'Escaut.  Whilst this considerable movement
was in progress, on October 11 the Eighth Corps on the north captured
the portion of the Drocourt line which was opposite to it.  The
Fifty-sixth Division and First Canadians, who were on the immediate
south, took some part in the fray, the Londoners capturing Fresnes,
and the Canadians the high ground which faced them.  After the change
was carried out, the front east of Cambrai was held by {266} the
Forty-ninth Yorkshire Division on the right and by the Fifty-first
Highlanders on the left.

[Sidenote: Oct. 11.]

Immediately before these fresh dispositions were carried out in the
south, there was a sharp action in this sector, in which, under the
direction of General Currie, the Second Canadians and the Forty-ninth
British attacked Iwuy and the ground south-west of it.  This was on
October 11.  The attack gained ground and some hundreds of prisoners,
but the losses were in excess of the gains, especially in the case of
the Yorkshire Territorials, who suffered considerably in a
counter-attack which was urged with the help of tanks.  On the
morning of October 12 the Fifty-first Highlanders had taken over from
the Canadians and carried on the operation.  All day there was sharp
fighting in front of the British divisions.  The Forty-ninth made
good progress and followed up the retreating enemy, but the
Fifty-first found a stiff opposition on the left, where the Germans
held fast to Lieu St. Amand, powerfully supported by their guns on
the north bank of the Canal de l'Escaut.  The right of the Highland
Division captured Avesnes-le-Sec, and so came level with the left of
the Forty-ninth.  This latter division had continual fighting at
Haspres and Saulzoir on to the line of the Selle.

On October 13 the action was renewed, both the British divisions
striving hard to push through the German rearguards, which were very
strong and were backed by powerful artillery from north and east.
Progress was slow, for the country was an open plain without a
vestige of cover.  The enemy were holding the Canadians to the north
of the Escaut Canal, and so were able to keep their guns well forward
on that side, to enfilade the advance {267} to the south, and to
support their position on the Selle.  The British had come into the
region of the civil population, so that they had to be chary and
discriminating in the use of their guns, while gas shells could
hardly be used at all.  The Third Army had now got so far ahead that
it was compelled to pause for supplies, and the First Army was forced
to conform.

Cameron's Forty-ninth Division was much exhausted by its exertions,
so the Fourth British Division came up about October 15 to relieve
it.  It met with a sad misfortune immediately after it had taken its
place in the line, as its commanding officer, General Lipsett, was
killed while carrying out a reconnaissance in front of the line.  He
had recently been transferred from a Canadian division, and had a
great war record, extending back to near the beginning.  It is indeed
tragic when one who has played a great part in the drama leaves
before the final curtain falls.  General Lucas took over the division.

There was no change in the situation so far as the Twenty-second
Corps was concerned until October 19, when the enemy began to retire
in front of the Highland Division, in conformity with a movement
which had already begun north of L'Escaut, and which spread down to
the front of the Fourth Division.  The Germans had prepared a line of
defence upon the Ecaillon River in the rear, and were now letting go
of the Selle in order to reassemble their forces upon this even
stronger front.  The withdrawal was irregular, so that some parts of
his array remained hard when others had almost ceased to exist.  Thus
at Haspres and the part of the Selle {268} to the north of it, there
was still some stiff fighting.  He abandoned Saulzoir, however, and
the Fourth Division promptly established a bridge-head which should
be the base for a future advance.  On the Fifty-first Divisional
front the pursuit was so rapid, both by the Highlanders and by the
Corps Cavalry, that there was not much time for reorganisation.

[Sidenote: Oct. 20.]

During October 20 and 21 the Germans were slowly pressed back from
the high ground east of the Selle into the Ecaillon valley, and
artillery was pushed up to prepare for a further attack upon the new
line.  The sappers did some great work in throwing, under fire, many
bridges over the Selle.  Noyelles and Douchy were occupied on the
morning of October 20.  The river was found to be strongly wired, and
there were scattered lines of trenches on the farther side, which
made up a strong, fortified position, called by the Germans the
Hermanstellung.  It was clearly a more elaborate position than that
of the Selle.  None the less the infantry was not to be denied and
the troops crossed the river by wading, the water in many cases being
up to the armpits of the men.  The 10th and 11th Brigades of the
Fourth Division fought their way half-way up the north-eastern slope
of the valley, past the villages of Verchain and Moncheaux.  The 1st
Somersets and 1st Hants occupied the latter and pushed through it,
securing the high ground east of the villages, but they found that
their comrades of the 2nd West Riding and 1st Warwicks were held up
by the German main line upon the crest of the hill, and that the
Sixty-first Division, the nearest unit on their right, were
temporarily checked at Vendegies.  The 2nd West Riding got forward,
however, and occupied a {269} position on the crest called "The
Pimple," whilst the Fifty-first Division on the north of the 11th
Brigade also got well forward up to the village of Maing.  In the
morning of October 25 the 12th Brigade took up the task in this
sector, the 1st King's Own on the right and the 2nd Essex on the left
advancing without any very serious opposition, being in touch with
the left of the Seventeenth Corps.  In the late afternoon the Germans
reacted strongly, and there was a counter-attack upon the front of
the 2nd Lancashire Fusiliers and upon the Highlanders to their left,
but it had little effect.  The 154th Brigade of Highlanders was very
heavily engaged during this strenuous day, and the 6/7th Argyll and
Sutherlands, among others, had serious losses.  Among many brave
deeds that of Lieut. Bissett is conspicuous, for he won the V.C. by
repeated acts of gallantry, leading his men in a desperate bayonet
charge, after all their ammunition was expended, and so saving the
line.  Before evening the village of Querenaing had been occupied and
the line of the Artres-Famars Road; 1200 more prisoners were in the
Corps cage.

[Sidenote: Oct. 25.]

The attack upon the Ecaillon position was a difficult military
operation, and one which showed very clearly the marked ascendancy
which the British soldier had gained over his German rival.  Every
factor was in favour of the defence, and yet the line was rapidly
shattered by the determined advance of the two divisions concerned.
The object of the action was not merely the gain of ground, though
that was considerable, but it was to cover the left of the Third Army
and also to assist in the advance of the Canadian Corps towards
Valenciennes, all of {270} which aims were fully carried out.  The
action of the infantry was all the finer because they entirely lost
the time-table barrage, and had to depend upon their own fine courage
and the tactical skill of their leaders.  In the actual crossing of
the river all ranks showed great gallantry and determination.  The
method in which the advance was pressed and the victory followed up
by very weary soldiers was remarkable, and resulted, among other
things, in the capture of the bridge-head of Artres by the Fourth
Division, which proved of great value both to the Seventeenth and to
the Twenty-second Corps.

[Sidenote: Oct. 26.]

A railway from Valenciennes to Le Quesnoy ran across the front of the
Corps, and this was made the forming-up point for the renewed attack
next morning, when the Fourth and the tireless Fifty-first went
forward again under a heavy barrage.  Having lost the successive
lines of the Selle and the Ecaillon, the Germans were now lining up
on the east bank of the Rhonelle, prepared to make a resolute
defence.  A party of the 2nd Lancashire Fusiliers got across,
however, on the morning of the 26th, and established a bridge-head,
and joined hands with a party from the Sixty-first Division on their
right, who had also forded the stream.  This point held firm, but
when the 2nd Essex on the left attempted also to cross, there was a
stubborn resistance.  With field-guns in the face of them and a
raking fire from machine-guns at Gaumont Farm on their left flank,
this brave battalion had a bad half-hour.  The Germans then
counter-attacked, falling upon both the Highlanders and the Essex
men, but both stood firm, though the gas with which the whole
position was drenched made the defence difficult.  {271} In this
action the leading battalion of Highlanders at the point attacked,
the 6th Argyll and Sutherlands, dashed forward with the bayonet at
the advancing Germans and drove them pell-mell back; 212 more
prisoners were secured.

The situation on October 26 was that the Corps front was well up to
the River Rhonelle, that the Fourth Division had taken Artres and
established a post across the river, and that the Fifty-first had got
as far as Famars, which it had occupied.  Attempts of the Fourth
Division to enlarge their holding on the east of the stream had no
good result, but the bridge-head was still held against all attacks.
On the 27th the Germans attacked the Highlanders and forced their way
into Famars, but were again met with the cold steel, this time by the
4th Gordons, and thrown out of the village.  Next morning, October
28, the Fifty-first advanced its line, making a lodgment upon Mont
Houy on its left flank, and capturing Poirier station.  Here they
were stopped by a strong German attack.  It must be admitted that,
considering the incessant retreats and the heavy punishments which
they had received, the German troops showed a fine constancy in these
numerous but useless efforts to throw back the advance.  On October
30 the Fifty-first Division was drawn into reserve and the
Forty-ninth took their place in the line.  Although there had been no
eastward movement during the last few days, the Highlanders had spent
them in an incessant pressure to the north-east, to aid the advance
upon Valenciennes.  By this means a good jumping-off place was
secured, from which a Canadian brigade was to attack Valenciennes
from the south, in conjunction {272} with the main attack upon the
Rhonelle line.  The Highlanders withdrew from the line in great heart
but very exhausted by a long spell of ceaseless work.

[Sidenote: Nov. 1.]

On November 1, under a tremendous artillery barrage, the
Twenty-second Corps advanced to the forcing of the Rhonelle, the
third river front within a fortnight.  If the operation were
successful it would be decisive of the fate of Valenciennes.  The men
were very weary, and their ranks had been thinned by the influenza
microbe as much as by bullets, but they were cheered by victory and
the visible signs of progress in the virgin country all around them.
The Fourth Division were still on the right, and the Forty-ninth
Yorkshire Territorials on the left.  The 11th Brigade held the
all-important bridge-head, and across it went the 1st Rifle Brigade,
while the 1st Hants forded the river on their left.  The crossing was
accomplished with no great difficulty, and once across the advance
was rapidly pushed.  Preseau village was the first objective on this
wing of the attack.  The resistance was unequal and was soon disposed
of, and the village was taken, together with the line of the
Preseau-Marly Road.  About ten o'clock there came a strong German
counter-attack, which got round both flanks of the Rifle Brigade and
practically surrounded them, so that the leading companies were hard
put to it to fight their way back into the village and out to the
west of it.  The machine-gun fire was very severe.  This attack was
purely local, and did not affect the Hampshires or the Forty-ninth
Division.  Low-flying aeroplanes aided the German infantry, but were
more alarming than dangerous.  Eventually the Rifle Brigade dug in
about 400 yards {273} west of the village; 1700 prisoners were taken
during the day.

[Sidenote: Nov. 2.]

Following the policy of giving the Germans no rest, both divisions
attacked again next morning.  The 2nd Seaforths of the 10th Brigade
were on the right and the 1st King's Own of the 12th Brigade on the
left of the Fourth Division's front.  The German resistance, which
was expected to be strong after the counter-attacks of the day
before, suddenly collapsed, and Preseau was taken once more.  So was
the dangerous high ground 700 yards to the east, which was bristling
with machine-guns.  The Yorkshiremen on the left had advanced with
equal bravery, and had taken the steel works south of Marly.
Altogether about 1000 more prisoners were taken.  That night the
Eleventh Division relieved the Fourth, while the Fifty-sixth took the
place of the Forty-ninth.  The latter division was very weak in
numbers, so Blacklock's Sixty-third Naval Division was transferred to
the Twenty-second Corps in order to help cover the widening front.

It is worth recording that in all this recent fighting, with its
approximation to open warfare, the youths who now made up the bulk of
the fighting divisions were found to acquit themselves manfully.
Their only deterioration from the older type was in their power of
endurance and of resistance to weather, so that after two rough days
there was a distinct weakening of their powers.  They were trained to
use their individual minds in the assault, advancing in small
independent sections in single file.  "In open country the employment
of waves in the attack is criminal"--such was one of the last
military notes of the war.

{274}

[Sidenote: Nov. 4.]

Early on the morning of November 3 the enemy showed clear signs of
having had enough, and was withdrawing along the whole front, closely
pursued by mounted troops and by infantry.  Curgies and Saultain were
taken, and the line rapidly extended.  On November 4 the pace
accelerated, and the crossings of the River Aunelle were forced, the
Eleventh Division having a sharp fight at Sebourg.  On November 5 the
Belgian frontier was crossed and the villages of Mesaurain, Boisin,
and Angre were occupied.  There was some fighting on this day, the
168th Brigade having a sharp skirmish at Angre.  Three tanks of
British pattern were captured during the day.  On November 6 the
Grande Aunelle River had to be crossed, and the Germans made a
resistance which at one time was both strenuous and successful.
There was a great deal of gas, and all troops had to wear their
masks.  The Eleventh Division was unable to reach the river on
account of the long open slope down which any advance must be made.
The Fifty-sixth Division got across south of Angre, and reached the
high ground to the east, the 2nd London and London Rifle Brigade in
the lead.  The former battalion was heavily counter-attacked in the
Bois de Beaufort and was driven back to the river, while the London
Rifle Brigade also suffered heavy casualties from machine-gun fire
from Angre.  Forty men of the 2nd Londons were entirely cut off but
held on in a deep ditch in the wood, and were surrounded by the
enemy.  None the less they managed to cut their way out and rejoin
their battalion.

On the left of the attack the Kensingtons and London Scottish crossed
the river and got possession {275} of Angre.  They found themselves
involved in a very fierce fight, which swayed backwards and forwards
all day, each side attacking and counter-attacking with the utmost
determination.  Twice the Londoners were driven back and twice they
regained their objectives, ending up with their grip still firm upon
the village, though they could not retain the high ground beyond.
Late at night, however, the 168th Brigade established itself almost
without opposition upon the ridge.

[Sidenote: Nov. 7.]

On November 7 the opposition had wilted away and the Twenty-second
Corps advanced with elements of three divisions in front, for the
naval men were now in line on the left, "on the starboard bow of the
Second Canadians," to quote their own words.  The river was crossed
on the whole front and a string of villages were occupied on this and
the following days.  The rain was pouring down, all bridges had been
destroyed, the roads had been blown up, and everything was against
rapidity of movement.  None the less the front flowed ever forward,
though the food problem had become so difficult that advanced troops
were supplied by aeroplane.  The 16th Lancers had joined the
Australian Light Horse, and the cavalry patrols pushed far ahead.
Bavay was taken on November 10, and the Corps front had reached one
mile east of Villers St. Ghislain when, on November 11, the
"cease-fire" was sounded and the white flag appeared.

The general experience of the Twenty-second Corps during these last
weeks of the war was that the German rearguards consisted mainly of
machine-guns, some of which were fought as bravely as ever.  The
infantry, on the other hand, were of low {276} morale and much
disorganised.  Need for mounted troops who could swiftly brush aside
a thin line and expose a bluff was much felt.  The roads were too
muddy and broken for the cyclists, and there was no main road
parallel with the advance.  Owing to his machine-guns and artillery
the enemy was able always to withdraw at his own time.  3200
prisoners had been taken by the Twenty-second Corps in the final ten
days.

[Sidenote: Sept. 21.]

In dealing with the advance of Horne's First Army we have examined
the splendid work of the Canadian Corps and of the Twenty-second
Corps.  We must now turn to the operations of Hunter-Weston's Eighth
Corps on the extreme north of this Army, linking up on the left with
the right of Birdwood's Fifth Army in the neighbourhood of Lens.  Up
to the end of September, save for local enterprises, neither the
Eighth Division on the right nor the Twentieth on the left had made
any serious movement.  The time was not yet ripe.  At the close of
September, however, when the line was all aflame both to the south
and in Flanders, it was clear that the movement of the British Armies
must be a general one.  At that date the Eighth Division extended its
flank down to the Scarpe, where it was in touch with the Forty-ninth
Division, forming the left of Godley's Twenty-second Corps.  Before
effecting this change Heneker, on September 21, carried out a
spirited local attack with his own division, by which he gained
important ground in the Oppy and Gavrelle sectors.  It was a hard
fight, in which the 2nd Berks had specially severe losses, but a
considerable area of important ground was permanently gained.

{277}

[Sidenote: Oct. 7.]

Early in October General Heneker proceeded to carry out an ambitious
scheme which he had meditated for some time, and which had now
received the approbation of his Corps Commander.  This was an attack
by his own division upon the strong Fresnes-Rouvroy line, to the
north-east of Arras.  His plan was to make a sudden concentrated
assault upon the south end of this formidable deeply-wired line, and
then to work upwards to the north, avoiding the perils and losses of
a frontal advance.  This enterprise was begun at 5 A.M. on October 7,
and was carried through with that mixture of dash and skill which
marks the ideal operation.  The 23rd and 25th Brigades supplied the
storm-troops, who were drawn from the 2nd Middlesex, 2nd West Yorks,
and 2nd Devons, and attacked on a front of 3500 yards.  The gain of
ground was nearly two miles; the line was broken and Biache was
taken.  On the next day, October 8, the northward turning movement
was carried through, the 1st Worcesters, 1st Sherwood Foresters, and
2nd Berkshires pushing into the front line, the work being mainly
carried out by bombing.  Altogether 37 machine-guns and 250 prisoners
were taken, together with the villages of Fresnes and Neuvireuil, so
that the divisional front was now brought opposite the
Drocourt-Quéant line.

[Sidenote: Oct. 7.]

This strong triple system of the Hindenburg type was attacked in the
early morning of October 11 in this sector by Grogan's 23rd Brigade,
and by 7 A.M. both the 2nd Middlesex and 2nd Devons were through it,
holding the whole front before them, with the exception of the town
of Vitry on the Scarpe.  The Twelfth Division had taken the place of
the Twentieth on the left of the Eighth, and it had also fought its
{278} way forward, but it was still short of striking distance and
could not take part in the attack.  The chief danger was from the
south, as the floods in the Trinquis River were holding up the First
Canadian Division in that quarter, so that the German guns could all
swing their muzzles to the north.  This was obviated by a free use of
smoke and gas, so that the British infantry were shrouded on their
right flank.  The barrage, by a very ingenious device, was not put
down in such a fashion as to pin the Germans to their positions and
make it more dangerous to fly than to stand, but it was poured upon
one spot, and then moved slowly up the line at the rate of 100 yards
in eight minutes, giving the garrison plenty of time to see and to
avoid it by a timely flight, which most of them preferred to do.
When the new position, which soon included Vitry, had been occupied,
some of the 2nd Middlesex scrambled across the Scarpe by a broken
bridge and took Mont Metier, the strong point on the left front of
the Canadians, in the rear, so as to help their future advance.  The
total gain was not less than an average of three miles, with Cuincy
in the centre as the most advanced point.  The German line was now
shattered, and though there were sporadic bickerings and resistance,
with a constant resource to the ignoble warfare of land mines and
booby traps, there was no serious battle.  In a single day the
Tunnelling Companies, which were always ready for any desperate
service, removed 300 mines.  On October 14 the Twelfth Division,
after a spirited attack, captured Auby on the left, while the
Canadians on the right had got up to the Douai Canal.  On the 17th
the German line was clearly recoiling, and a personal reconnaisance
by Colonel {279} Roberts of the 1st Worcesters showed that there was
hope for an advance over the canal.  At 2 P.M. accordingly the 2nd
Rifle Brigade went forward, and their patrols, with those of the 2nd
Middlesex, entered the historic old city of Douai, taking down the
German flag which was still flying from the town hall.  "The town was
found to be fairly intact," says a general officer on the spot, "but
the inside of every house had been stripped of everything of value,
and what had not been removed had been smashed to atoms....  The
inside and reeds of the beautiful organ in the Cathedral had been
torn out, and lay in a heap on the floor."  There is no doubt that
President Wilson's note on this subject had an effect in preventing
the destruction of towns from this time onwards, and that it was the
salvation of Douai.  No inhabitants had been left in the town.

[Sidenote: Oct. 17.]

From this period the advance on this front was a slow but steady
triumphant progress.  By the end of October the Eighth Division had
gone forward more than thirty miles since it started, and had
captured thirty-five towns and villages, including Douai,
Marchiennes, and St. Amand.  Beyond being greatly plagued by
murderous explosive traps, 1400 of which were discovered, and being
much incommoded by the destruction of roads and bridges and by the
constant canals across its path, there was no very serious
resistance.  Great floods early in November made the situation even
more difficult.  On November 5 the Eighth Division was relieved by
the Fifty-second, and quitted the line for the last time.

This splendid division has had some injustice done to it, since it
was the one Regular division in France {280} in 1914 which was
somewhat invidiously excluded from the very special and deserved
honours which were showered upon "the first seven divisions."  But
even in 1914 it had done splendid work, and as to its performance in
the following years, and especially in 1918, when it was annihilated
twice over, it will live for ever, not only in the records of the
British Army, but in that of the French, by whose side it fought in
the direst crisis and darkest moment of the whole campaign.  There
were no further movements of importance on the front of the Eighth
Corps, and the completion of their history covers the whole operation
of Horne's First Army in this final phase of the war.  It was indeed
a strange freak of fate that this general, who commanded the guns of
the right wing at Mons in that momentous opening battle, should four
and a half years later be the commander who brought his victorious
British Army back to that very point.

[Illustration: Allied Advance in the North]




{281}

CHAPTER XI

OPERATIONS OF THE SECOND AND FIFTH ARMIES

September 28-November 11

King Albert in the field--Great Belgo-Franco-British advance--The
last act on the old stage--The prophet of 1915--Renewed
advance--Germans desert the coast--Relief of Douai and Lille--The
final stage of the subsidiary theatres of war.


We have followed the operations of the three southern British Armies
from the first blow on August 8--a blow which Ludendorff has stated
made him surrender the last hope of ultimate victory--through all
their uninterrupted progress of victory until the final armistice.
We shall now turn to the northern end of the British line, where the
two remaining Armies, the Fifth in the Nieppe district and the Second
in the area of Ypres, were waiting impatiently for their share in the
advance.  Flanders was a convalescent home for divisions, and there
was not a unit there which was not stiff with half-healed wounds, but
these Armies included many of the grand old formations which had
borne the stress of the long fight, and they were filled with the
desire to join in the final phase.  Their chance came at last, though
it was a belated one.

[Sidenote: July.]

There were many indications in the third week of July that the
Germans had planned one of their great attacks upon the front of
Birdwood's Fifth Army in {282} the Nieppe district.  The succession
of blows which rained upon Hindenburg's line in the south made it
impossible, however, for him to attempt a new offensive.  There was
considerable activity along the British line, and a constant nibbling
which won back by successive ventures much of the ground which had
been gained by the Germans in April.  Early in July the Fifth
Division, forming the left unit of the Fifth Army, advanced from the
edge of Nieppe Forest, where they had lain since their return from
Italy, and gained a stretch of ground--the first sign of the coming
recoil in the north.  To the left of them lay De Lisle's Fifteenth
Corps, which moved forward in turn, effecting a series of small but
important advances which were eclipsed by the larger events in the
south, but reacted upon those events, since they made it impossible
for the Germans to detach reinforcements.  On July 19 the Ninth
Division with a sudden spring seized Meteren with 453 prisoners,
while on the same date the First Australian Division occupied Merris
to the south of it.  On August 9 the movement spread farther south,
and the Thirty-first Division took Vieux Berquin.  There was a slow
steady retraction of the German line from this time onwards, and a
corresponding advance of the British.  On August 30 the ruins of
Bailleul passed into the hands of the Twenty-ninth Division.  On
September 1 Neuve Eglise was submerged by the creeping tide, while on
the 3rd Nieppe also was taken.  Finally on September 4 two brigades
of the Twenty-ninth Division, the 88th under Freyberg and the 86th
under Cheape, captured Ploegsteert by a very smart concerted movement
in which 250 prisoners were taken.  Up to this date De Lisle's
Fifteenth Corps had {283} advanced ten miles with no check, and had
almost restored the original battle line in that quarter--a feat for
which M. Clemenceau awarded the General special thanks and the Legion
of Honour.

[Sidenote: Sept. 28.]

All was ready now for the grand assault which began on September 28
and was carried out by the Belgians and French in the north and by
Plumer's Second British Army in the south.  The left of this great
force was formed by nine Belgian and five French infantry divisions,
with three French cavalry divisions in reserve.  The British Army
consisted of four corps: Jacob's Second Corps covering Ypres, Watts'
Nineteenth Corps opposite Hollebeke, Stephens' Tenth Corps facing
Messines, and De Lisle's Fifteenth Corps to the south of it.  The
divisions which made up each of these Corps will be enumerated as
they come into action.  To complete the array of the British forces
it should be said that Birdwood's Fifth Army, which linked up the
First Army in the south and the Second in the north, consisted at
that date of Haking's Eleventh and Holland's First Corps covering the
Armentières-Lens front, and not yet joining in the operations.  The
whole operation was under the command of the chivalrous King of the
Belgians, who had the supreme satisfaction of helping to give the
_coup de grâce_ to the ruffianly hordes who had so long ill-used his
unfortunate subjects.

The operations of the Belgians and of the French to the north of the
line do not come within the scope of this narrative save in so far as
they affected the British line.  General Plumer's attack was directed
from the Ypres front, and involved on September 28, two Corps, the
Second on the north and the Nineteenth on the south.  The order of
divisions {284} from the left was the Ninth (Tudor) and the
Twenty-ninth (Cayley), with the Thirty-sixth Ulsters (Coffin) in
reserve.  These constituted Jacob's Second Corps, which was attacking
down the old Menin Road.  South of this point came the Thirty-fifth
(Marindin) and the Fourteenth Division (Skinner), with Lawford's
Forty-first Division in support.  These units made up Watts'
Nineteenth Corps.  On the left of Jacob's was the Belgian Sixth
Division, and on the right of Watts' the British Tenth Corps, which
was ordered to undertake a subsidiary operation which will presently
be described.  We shall now follow the main advance.

This was made without any bombardment at 5 in the morning of
September 28, behind a heavy barrage which swept eastwards at the
rate of 100 yards every three minutes.  The Germans had clearly sent
away reinforcements to the south and were weak in numbers as well as
in spirit.  The result was a very complete victory all along the
line, and before evening Plumer's men had passed over all the ground
which had been previously contested.  For the last time the roar of
battle went down the old Menin Road and rose from historic Gheluvelt.
The Ninth and Twenty-ninth Divisions swept everything before them,
and before evening it was not only Gheluvelt but Zandvoorde,
Kruiseik, and Becelaere which had passed into their possession.  The
Belgians on the left had cleared the whole of Houthulst Forest, that
lowering menace which had hung so long before their line.  Zonnebeke
and Poelcappelle had also passed into the hands of the Allies.  It
was a great victory, and it was not marred by heavy losses to the
victors.  Those of Jacob's Corps were not more than 1100, while their
prisoners {285} were 2100.  The total of prisoners came to 10,000,
with more than 100 guns.

[Sidenote: Sept. 29.]

On September 29 the advance was resumed with ever-increasing success
all along the line.  The Scots of the Ninth Division, working in
close liaison with the Belgians, got Waterdamhoek, and detached one
brigade to help our Allies in taking Moorslede, while another took
Dadizeele, both of them far beyond our previous limits.  The
Twenty-ninth Division still pushed along the line of the Menin Road,
while the Thirty-sixth Ulsters fought their way into Terhand.  In
this quarter alone in front of Jacob's Second Corps fifty guns had
been taken.  Meanwhile the Nineteenth Corps on the right was gaining
the line of the Lys River, having taken Zandvoorde and Hollebeke;
while the Thirty-fourth and Thirtieth Divisions of the Tenth Corps
were into Wytschaete and up to Messines, and the Thirty-first
Division of the Fifteenth Corps was in St. Yves.  In these southern
sectors there was no attempt to force the pace, but in the north the
tide was setting swiftly eastwards.  By the evening of September 29
Ploegsteert Wood was cleared and Messines was occupied once again.
The rain had started, as is usual with Flemish offensives, and the
roads were almost impossible: but by the evening of October 1 the
whole left bank of the Lys from Comines southward had been cleared.
On that date there was a notable hardening of the German resistance,
and the Second Corps had some specially fierce fighting.  The Ulsters
found a tough nut to crack in Hill 41, which they gained twice and
lost twice before it was finally their own.  The Ninth Division
captured Ledeghem, but was pushed to the west of it again by a strong
counter-attack.  Clearly {286} a temporary equilibrium was about to
be established, but already the advance constituted a great victory,
the British alone having 5000 prisoners and 100 guns to their credit.

[Sidenote: Oct. 2, Oct 14.]

In the meantime Birdwood's Fifth Army, which had remained stationary
between the advancing lines of the Second Army in Flanders and of the
First Army south of Lens, began also to join in the operations.  The
most successful military prophet in a war which has made military
prophecy a by-word, was a certain German regimental officer who was
captured in the La Bassée district about 1915, and who, being asked
when he thought the war would finish, replied that he could not say
when it would finish, but that he had an opinion as to where it would
finish, and that would be within a mile of where he was captured.  It
was a shrewd forecast based clearly upon the idea that each side
would exhaust itself and neither line be forced, so that a compromise
peace would become necessary.  For three years after his dictum it
still remained as a possibility, but now at last, within six weeks of
the end, La Bassée was forced, and early in October Ritchie's
Sixteenth Division, the Fifty-fifth West Lancashire Territorials, and
the Nineteenth Division under Jeffreys, were all pressing on in this
quarter, with no very great resistance.  South of Lens the Twentieth
Division (Carey) had been transferred from the left of the First Army
to the right of the Fifth, and this had some sharp fighting on
October 2 at Mericourt and Acheville.  Both north and south of the
ruined coal capital the British infantry was steadily pushing on,
pinching the place out, since it was bristling with machine-guns and
very {287} formidable if directly attacked.  The Twelfth Division
(Higginson), fresh from severe service in the south and anaemic from
many wounds, occupied 11,000 yards between Oppy and Lens from October
7 onwards.  Their orders were to press the enemy at the first sign of
retreat.  All three brigades were in the line, each with its own
artillery, to give greater independence.  The German withdrawal was
gradual but there was some hard rearguard fighting, especially at the
strong line of the Haute Deule Canal.  There was little cover for the
troops at this point save where some ruined hamlets screened their
ranks.  These flat levels leading up to wire and water could have
been made a Golgotha had the Germans been of the old temper, but they
were oppressed by the general wilting of their line.  The 1st
Cambridge captured Auby on October 14 and so got to the edge of the
Canal.  On the 16th the 5th Berks got across the broken bridge at
Pont-a-Sault, though they could hardly deploy upon the farther side.
After this date the only obstacle to the advance was the supply
question, for the villagers were all clamouring for food and sharing
the scanty rations of the soldiers.  On October 23 the Scarpe was
crossed, Lieutenant Egerton of the 87th Field Company R.E. gallantly
bridging the stream and losing his life in the effort.  The 6th West
Kents got across at Nivelle, but had the misfortune to lose their
splendid commander, Colonel Dawson, who had already been wounded six
times in the course of the war.  Upon October 23 the Twelfth was
relieved by the Fifty-second Division upon this front.

The attack in the north had been held partly by the vile weather and
partly by the increased German {288} resistance.  The Twenty-ninth
Division had got into Gheluvelt but was unable to retain it.  The
enemy counter-attacks were frequent and fierce, while the impossible
roads made the supplies, especially of cartridges, a very serious
matter.  The worn and rutted Menin Road had to conduct all the
traffic of two Army Corps.  No heavy artillery could be got up to
support the weary infantry, who were cold and wet, without either
rest or cover.  Time was needed, therefore, to prepare a further
attack, and it was October 14 before it was ready.  Then, as before,
the Belgians, French, and British attacked in a single line, the
advance extending along the whole Flemish front between the Lys River
at Comines and Dixmude in the north, the British section being about
ten miles from Comines to the Menin-Roulers Road.

Three British Corps were engaged, the Second (Jacob), the Nineteenth
(Watts), and the Tenth (Stephens), the divisions, counting from the
south, being the Thirtieth, Thirty-fourth, Forty-first, Thirty-fifth,
Thirty-sixth, Twenty-ninth, and Ninth.  The three latter divisions,
forming the front of Jacob's Corps, came away with a splendid rush in
spite of the heavy mud and soon attained their immediate objectives.
Gulleghem, in front of the Ulsters, was defended by three belts of
wire, garnished thickly with machine-guns, but it was taken none the
less, though it was not completely occupied until next day.  Salines
had fallen to the Twenty-ninth Division, and by the early afternoon
of October 15 both divisions were to the east of Heule.  Meanwhile
Cuerne and Hulste had been cleared by the Ninth Division, the 1st
Yorkshire Cyclists playing a gallant {289} part in the former
operation.  The net result was that in this part of the line all the
troops had reached the Lys either on the evening of September 15 or
on the morning of September 16.

The advance in the south had been equally successful, though there
were patches where the resistance was very stiff.  The 103rd Brigade
on the left of the Thirty-fourth Division enveloped and captured
Gheluwe and were afterwards held up by field-guns firing over open
sights until they were taken by a rapid advance of the 5th Scottish
Borderers and the 8th Scottish Rifles.  The 102nd Brigade made a
lodgment in the western outskirts of Menin, which was fully occupied
on the next day, patrols being at once pushed across the Lys.  These
were hard put to it to hold on until they were relieved later in the
day by the Thirtieth Division.  Wevelghem was cleared on the 15th,
and on the 16th both the Ninth and Thirty-sixth Divisions established
bridge-heads across the river, but in both cases were forced to
withdraw them.  In the north the Belgians had reached Iseghem and
Cortemarck, while the French were round Roulers.  By the night of
October 15 Thourout was surrounded, and the Germans on the coast,
seeing the imminent menace to their communications, began to blow up
their guns and stores preparatory to their retreat.  On October 17
the left of the Allied line was in Ostend, and on the 20th it had
extended to the Dutch border.  Thus after four years of occupation
the Germans said farewell for ever to those salt waters of the west
which they had fondly imagined to be their permanent advanced post
against Great Britain.  The main tentacle of the octopus had been
disengaged, {290} and the whole huge, perilous creature was shrinking
back to the lairs from which it had emerged.

[Sidenote: Oct. 20.]

Events were now following each other in very rapid succession as the
pressure upon the flanks increased.  On the one side it was Ostend;
on the other, as already recorded, it was Douai, which the Eighth
Division had entered on October 17.  Finally, on the morning of
October 18, Haking's Eleventh Corps from Birdwood's Army held Lille
in their grasp.  The Fifty-seventh and Fifty-ninth Divisions were
north and south of the town, which was occupied before evening, to
the immense joy of the liberated inhabitants.  Meanwhile De Lisle's
Fifteenth Corps pushed on in the north and occupied both Roubaix and
Tourcoing.  There was little resistance to these operations, for the
Flemish advance on one side and that to Le Cateau on the other had
made the position of the German garrisons impossible.  By October 22
the troops were on the line of the Escaut from Valenciennes to
Avelghem.

[Sidenote: Oct. 25.]

Though the advance of Birdwood's Army was comparatively bloodless
there was still some obstinate fighting in the north, and the
divisions which forced the Lys had by no means a holiday task.  This
operation was carried out on October 20 and 21, and owing to some
delay on the part of the French Seventh Corps in getting into
position the flank of the Thirty-sixth Ulster Division was exposed to
enfilade fire which caused great loss.  As the Ulsters advanced
across the river they had to throw back a defensive flank 6000 yards
deep before evening of the 21st.  On the 22nd the Germans were still
fighting stoutly, and delivered at least one {291} dangerous
counter-attack by storm-troops, while on the 25th they brought a new
division, the Twenty-third Reserve, an old opponent of early Ypres
days, into the line, and held their ground well.  There were changes
in the British fighting line also, as the Thirty-first relieved the
Twenty-ninth, while the Thirty-fourth, coming from the south, took
the place of the Ulsters.

These two divisions attacked once more on October 31, the
Thirty-first surrounding Caster while the Thirty-fourth captured
Anseghem, the 8th Scottish Rifles forcing their way into the town,
and joining up with the French at Winterkan.  That evening the enemy
retired across the Escaut, and the line was definitely made good.
The bridges over the river had been destroyed, but the French were
advancing rapidly from the north, and on November 2 had reached
Driesen and Peterghem.  They then extended south and took over the
whole front of the Second Corps, joining up with the left of the
Nineteenth Corps.  The Second Corps drew out from its last battle,
having since the advance began captured 7500 prisoners and 150 guns,
at a loss to itself of 11,000 casualties.  At this period the
operations of the north may be said to have reached their term.

The weight of the campaign never fell fully upon Birdwood's Fifth
Army, but it was comprised of divisions which had been knocked to
pieces elsewhere and which would not have been battle-worthy at all
had they not been of splendid individual material.  Some of them were
actually called B divisions, but upon one of them doing thirty-three
miles in thirty hours it was decreed by their General {292} that such
an invidious title must cease.  The Portuguese troops accompanied the
British in the Fifth Army.  There was a good deal of discontent in
the ranks of this contingent, largely due to the fact that it was
impossible to grant the men the same privileges in the way of leave
as were given to the officers.  By a great concession they were
broken up, however, among the British brigades, with the result that
they did very well during the last phases of the fighting.  The fact
that General Birdwood with his depleted and inexperienced divisions
was able to drive the Germans through Merville, Estaires, La Bassée,
and on over the Aubers Ridge and out of Lille, forcing the Scheldt
and reaching as far as Ath, will always be a memorable military
exploit.  It is on record that the last bag of prisoners by this Army
was at 10.57 on the 11th November, three minutes before time.

On November 15 Marshal Foch visited the Headquarters of the Fifth
Army, and his remarks on that occasion were meant, no doubt, to apply
to the whole British line.  "Your soldiers," he said, "continued to
march when they were exhausted, and they fought, and fought well,
when they were worn out.  It is with such indomitable will that the
war has been won.  At the moment of ceasing hostilities the enemy
troops were demoralised and disorganised and their lines of
communication were in a state of chaos.  Had we continued the war for
another fortnight we might have won a most wonderful and complete
military victory.  But it would have been inhuman to risk the lives
of one of our soldiers unnecessarily.  The Germans asked for an
armistice.  We renounced the certainty of further military glory and
gave it {293} to them.  I am deeply sensible of the fact that Lille
was delivered without damage to the town, and I am grateful for the
help given so generously to the inhabitants."

So ended the Great War in the northern sector.  It need not be said
that while the British had been attacking again and again in the
manner described, taking no heed of their own losses and exhaustion
so long as they could bring the tottering giant to his knees, the
French and the Americans were advancing in unison.  The work of the
latter in the wooded region of the Argonne was especially difficult
and also especially vital, as its effect was to cut in upon the
German rear and to narrow the pass through which the great multitude
must make their escape from the lands which they had so wantonly
invaded.  On September 12 the Americans had shown their quality by
their successful attack upon the St. Mihiel salient.  In the advance
of the Argonne the American attack extended over several weeks, was
often held up, and furnished more than a hundred thousand casualties,
but General Pershing and his men showed a splendid tenacity which
carried them at last through all their difficulties, so that the end
of the war, which their exertions had undoubtedly helped to hasten,
found them with their line in Sedan and biting deeply into the German
flank.

Before entering upon the terms of the Armistice and describing the
subsequent conditions of peace, representing the final fruits of all
the terrible sacrifices of these years of alternate hope and fear,
one last glance must be cast round at the other fields of the great
struggle--Italian, Salonican, Syrian, and Mesopotamian--all of which
were decided at the {294} same moment.  It could almost be believed
that some final spiritual fiat had gone forth placing an allotted
term upon the slaughter, so simultaneous was the hostile collapse on
every front.  In Italy General Diaz, who had succeeded General
Cadorna after the disaster of Caporetto, made a grand and victorious
attack on October 25.  It was a great military achievement, and
justified those who had always upheld the fine quality of the Italian
Army.  The Austrian forces were superior in number, being roughly a
million against nine hundred thousand, but they were inferior in gun
power.  Diaz cleverly concentrated his forces so as to have a local
superiority in the central sector, but his difficulties were still
very great, since a stream a mile broad lay before him, shallow in
parts but deepening to five feet even at the best fords.  A long
island, the Grave di Papadopoli, lay near the hostile shore, and this
was seized on the night of the 24th October by the 1st Welsh
Fusiliers and the 2/lst Honourable Artillery Company, who held on in
spite of a severe shelling and so established an advanced base for
the Army.  Early on October 25 crossings were made at all points, and
though the bridges were frequently shot away by the Austrian guns,
and one corps was unable to get a single man across, none the less
those who had reached the other side, including Babington's
Fourteenth Corps, which had the Seventh and Twenty-third British
Divisions in the line, with the Thirty-seventh Italian Division, made
excellent headway.  By the evening of October 29 this Fourteenth
Corps, which had been held up by having its left flank exposed
through the failure of the Eighth Corps to cross the river, found a
brave comrade in {295} the Italian Eighteenth Corps which lined up
with it and crashed its way right through the Kaiserstellung position
forming the battle zone of the Austrian line, It was a very complete
victory, and broadened to such an extent during the next few days
that by November 2 the whole Austrian army had ceased to exist, and
700,000 men with 7000 guns were in the hands of the victors.  Not
only had they regained by arms all the ground they had lost a year
before, but Trieste surrendered on November 3 and was occupied from
the sea.  Trento had also been taken in the north, so that the two
goals of Italian ambition had both been reached.  Every part of the
Italian line had been equally victorious from the Alps to the sea,
and great valour was shown by every formation, as well as by the
French and British contingents.  The British Forty-eighth Division
was engaged in the northern sector, far from its comrades, and
carried through its complete objective in a manner worthy of so
veteran a unit, which had learned its soldiering in the hard school
of the Somme and of Flanders.  On November 3 the final Armistice was
signed by the Austrians, by which they withdrew into their own
country and waited there for the final terms of the victors.

On September 12 began the great Franco-Serbian advance on the
Salonican front--a front which had been greatly strengthened by the
accession of the Greek forces.  Under General Franchet d'Esperey and
Marshal Misitch there was an advance on a front of sixteen miles,
penetrating occasionally to a depth of four miles.  By September 17
this had extended to a depth of twelve miles, and it was clear that a
decisive movement was on foot.  On {296} September 18 the British and
Greek troops joined in on the Lake Doiran sector, and the Bulgarians
were retreating along their whole front of a hundred miles.  General
Milne's troops were the first to cross the Bulgarian border, after a
very severe action in which some units sustained heavy losses.  All
the Allied nations were advancing swiftly, and it was clear that the
end was near.  On September 30 the Bulgarian nation, misled by its
own unscrupulous ambitions and by its unsavoury king, sent in its
surrender, retired from the conflict, and waited to hear what the
final punishment of its misdeeds might be.  Thus fell the first of
the four pillars of the Central Alliance.

The fate of Turkey was not long delayed.  On September 19 General
Allenby, who had halted long upon the line of Jerusalem while he
gathered his forces for a supreme and final effort, gave the word for
a fresh advance.  The victory which followed will perhaps be
accounted the most completely scientific and sweeping of the whole
war.  With his mixed force of British, Indians, Australians and
smaller Allied contingents, Allenby broke through the enemy's lines
near the coast, and then despatched his splendid cavalry towards
Damascus in a wild pursuit which can hardly be matched for calculated
temerity.  Some of the troopers in that wonderful ride are said to
have accomplished seventy to eighty miles in the twenty-four hours.
The result was that a strong force was thrown across the Turkish rear
and that their Seventh and Eighth Armies were practically
annihilated.  In the final tally no less than 80,000 men and 250 guns
were in the hands of the victors.  It was a shattering blow.
Damascus was occupied, the Turks {297} were driven pell-mell out of
Syria, General Marshall advanced in Mesopotamia, and Turkey was
finally brought to her knees after a battle on the Tigris in which
her last army was destroyed.  On October 30 she signed an armistice
by which the Allied fleets might enter the Dardanelles and occupy
Constantinople, while all Allied prisoners should at once be
returned.  As in the case of the Germans the feelings with which the
Allies, and especially the British, regarded the Turks were greatly
embittered by their consistent brutality to the unfortunate captives
whom the fortune of war had placed in their hands.  There can be no
peace and no sense of justice in the world until these crimes have
been absolutely expiated.  The last spark of sympathy which Britain
retained for her old Oriental ally was extinguished for ever by the
long-drawn murder of the prisoners of Kut.  It should be added that
the small German force in East Africa still continued to dodge the
pursuing columns, and that it was intact in Rhodesia at the time when
the general collapse compelled it to lay down its arms.  It was a
most remarkable achievement, this resistance of four years when cut
away from a base, and reflects great credit upon General von
Lettow-Vorbeck, whose name should certainly shine among the future
reconstructors of Germany.

As to naval matters there is nothing to be said save that the
submarine trouble had been greatly ameliorated by the splendid work
of the Navy, much assisted by the American destroyers.  The blockade
was still rigorously enforced, and had much to do with the general
German collapse.  There was some hope that the German fleet would
come out and that a more decisive Jutland might adorn the finish
{298} of the war, but the plans of the German officers were marred by
the insubordination of the German men, and there was no heroic
gesture to dignify the end of the great useless fleet, the most fatal
and futile of all Germany's creations, for its possession led her to
her ruin.




{299}

CHAPTER XII

THE END

Before entering into the terms of the Armistice it may be instructive
to give some short outline of the course of events at the German
Headquarters which led to so sudden and dramatic a collapse.  No
doubt the political and economic state of Germany was very bad, but
the disaster was primarily a military one, as is clearly shown by the
subsequent White Book published after the declaration of peace.  This
compilation shows that the arrogance with which the military leaders
spoke during their successful offensive, and down to the middle of
July, had changed in the short space of ten weeks to such utter
despair that on October 1 they were sending urgent messages to Berlin
that the war was to be closed down at any cost, and that even such
questions as the loss of the German colonies and the cession of
Alsace-Lorraine were not to weigh in the balance against the
imperative necessity of staving off a tremendous military disaster.
The inclined plane seems to have taken an abrupt tilt on August 14,
after the first successful British advance, when it was decided to
take the opportunity of the next German success to ask for peace.  No
success arrived, however, but rather a long succession of disasters,
and Hertling, the dotard Chancellor, was unable to make up his {300}
mind what to do, so that matters were allowed to drift from bad to
worse.  Early in October it was announced from General Headquarters
that a break through might occur at any moment.  Prince Max of Baden
had been made Chancellor on the understanding that he would at once
appeal to President Wilson for a cessation of hostilities, which was
the more urgent as Bulgaria had already dropped out of the war and
Austria was on her last legs.  As might have been foreseen, President
Wilson refused to treat without the concurrence of his Allies, and
some improvement in the German defensive line enabled them to hold on
until early November, when their needs once again became
overpowering, and the great twin-brethren Hindenburg and Ludendorff
finally admitted defeat.  Then followed in quick succession events
which are political and outside the scope of this record--the
revolution in the Fatherland, the flight of the Kaiser and of the
Crown Prince into Holland, and the advance of the Allied armies,
under the terms of the Armistice, to the left bank of the Rhine.

Some account should, however, be given of the circumstances under
which the Armistice was signed, and the drastic terms which were
exacted by the Allies, the fit preliminaries to a peace founded upon
a stern justice.  It was at nine o'clock on the evening of Thursday,
November 7, that the German delegates, led by the ambiguous and
scheming Erzberger, travelling along shell-broken roads, under the
glare of searchlights and signal-fires, entered within the French
lines near La Capelle.  The roar of the battle in their rear was a
constant reminder of the urgency of their mission.  They came no
farther than Marshal Foch's travelling headquarters, where they were
met {301} by the Marshal himself, with Admiral Wemyss to represent
that British sea-power which had done so much to promote this
interview.  The proceedings were short and strained.  A proposition
for a truce was waved aside by the victors, and a list of terms was
presented which made the German delegates realise, if they had failed
to do so before, the abyss into which their country had been
precipitated by two generations of madmen.  Disgrace abroad,
revolution at home, a fugitive monarch, a splitting empire, a
disbanding army, a mutinous fleet--these were the circumstances under
which Germany ended her bid for the dictatorship of the world.

At 5 A.M. on Monday, November 11, the Armistice was signed, and at 11
A.M., as already recorded, the last shot of the greatest war that
ever has been, or in all probability ever will be, had been fired.
London and Paris were at last relieved from their terrific strain,
and none who witnessed them can forget the emotions and rejoicings of
the day.  Those who had not realised the complete collapse of the
Colossus were surprised at the severity of the terms which had been
accepted in such haste.  All invaded territory had to be cleared
within fourteen days.  All Allied prisoners to be at once returned,
while those of Germany were retained.  The left bank of the Rhine,
together with ample bridge-heads, to be handed over, as a temporary
measure, to the Allies, the Belgians holding the north, the British
the Cologne area, the Americans the Coblentz area, and the French,
Strasburg, with all Alsace-Lorraine.  All danger of a continuation of
the struggle was averted by the immediate surrender of 5000 guns,
30,000 machine-guns, and 2000 aeroplanes, together with {302} great
numbers of locomotives, lorries, waggons, and barges.  All Roumanian,
Russian, and other forced treaties were abrogated.  East Africa was
to be evacuated.  All submarines and a large portion of the German
navy were to be handed over to the care of the Allies until peace
terms should decide their ultimate fate.  The blockade was to
continue.  Such were the main points of the Armistice which
foreshadowed the rigorous peace to come.

It was not until January 11, 1919, that the delegates from the
various interested nations assembled in Paris, and their
deliberations, which seemed long to us, but may appear hasty and
ill-considered to our descendants, terminated on May 7, a most
dramatic date, being the anniversary of that sinking of the
_Lusitania_ which will always be recorded as the supreme instance of
German barbarity.  So stringent were the terms that the Scheidemann
Government resigned and left the unpleasant task of ratification to a
cabinet of nobodies, with Herr Bauer at their head.  So long as the
firm signed, it mattered nothing to the Allies which particular
partner was the representative.  There was higgling and wriggling up
to the last moment, and some small concessions were actually gained.
The final results were briefly as follows:

1.  Two new countries shall be formed--Poland in the north and
Czecho-Slovakia in the south, the former largely at the expense of
Germany, the latter of Austria.  Germany shall contribute to the
building up of Poland the districts of West Prussia and Posen, both
of which are historically Polish.  The important district of Upper
Silesia--the prized conquest of Frederick from Maria Theresa--was
left indeterminate, its fate to be decided by the people's will.

{303}

2.  The northern portion of Schleswig shall revert to Denmark, from
which it was taken.

3.  Alsace-Lorraine shall be returned to France, and that country
shall receive for a time the produce of the Saar coal-fields as
recompense for the destruction of her own coal-fields by the Germans.

Thus on each side, Germany was trimmed down to the lands inhabited by
Germans, the Danes, the Poles, and the French borderers being
emancipated.  When next they march to war they will not swell their
ranks by unwilling conscripts forced to fight against their own
friends and interests.

4.  Every effort was made by the treaty to disarm Germany, and to
prevent her in the future from plotting the destruction of her
neighbours.  Those sudden irruptions of 1864, 1866, 1870, and 1914
were to be stopped once and for ever--if indeed we can place final
terms upon a phenomenon which dates back to the days of the Roman
republic.

The German General Staff--that dangerous _imperium in imperio_--was
to be dissolved.  The army should be only sufficiently powerful to
keep internal order and to control the frontiers.  Compulsory service
was abolished, and the manhood of Germany--to the probable detriment
of all trade competitors--was dedicated to the arts of peace.  The
import and export of war material were forbidden, and the great
war-god, Krupp, lay prostrate in his shrine at Essen.  All submarines
were forbidden.  The navy was limited to thirty-six vessels of
mediocre strength.  Zeppelins were to be handed over.  German cables,
fourteen in number, and all German oversea possessions passed into
the hands of the Allies.  With such terms, if the Allies continue to
stand together and {304} guarantee their enforcement, the Frenchman
may look eastward without a tremor, and the mists of the North Sea
can cloud no menace for our islands.  For many a long year to come
the formidable military history of Germany has reached its close.  A
clause which dealt with the trial of all military offenders,
including the Kaiser, concluded the more important items of the
Treaty.

So at last the dark cloud of war, which had seemed so endless and so
impenetrable as it covered the whole heavens from the Eastern horizon
to the Western, passed and drifted beyond us, while a dim sun in a
cold sky was the first herald of better times.  Laden with debt,
heart-heavy for its lost ones, with every home shaken and every
industry dislocated, its hospitals filled with broken men, its
hoarded capital all wasted upon useless engines--such was the world
which the accursed German Kultur had left behind it.  Here was the
crop reaped from those navy bills and army estimates, those frantic
professors and wild journalists, those heavy-necked, sword-trailing
generals, those obsequious, arrogant courtiers, and the vain, swollen
creature whom they courted.  Peace had come at last--if such a name
can be given to a state where international bitterness will long
continue, and where within each frontier the bulk of mankind, shaken
by these great events from the ruts of custom, contend fiercely for
some selfish advantage out of the general chaos.  In the East,
Russia, like some horrible invertebrate creature, entangles itself
with its own tentacles, and wrestles against itself with such
intricate convulsions that one can hardly say which attacks or which
defends, which is living or which already dead.  But the world swings
on the divine {305} cycle.  He who made the planet from the fire-mist
is still at work moulding with set and sustained purpose the
destinies of a universe which at every stage can only reach the
higher through its combat with the lower.

Here the historian's task is done.  It has occupied and alleviated
many heavy days.  Whatever its sins of omission it should surely
contain some trace of the spirit of the times, since many a chapter
was written to the rumble of the distant guns, and twice the author
was able to leave his desk and then return with such inspiration as
an actual view of the battlefields could afford him.  The whole
British line in 1916, the Soissons and Ardennes positions of the
French, the Carnic Alps, the Trentino, and the Isonzo positions of
the Italians were all visited in turn; while in 1918, as recorded,
the crowning mercy of September 29 was actually witnessed by the
writer.  He lays down his pen at last with the deep conviction that
the final results of this great convulsion are meant to be spiritual
rather than material, and that upon an enlightened recognition of
this depends the future history of mankind.  Not to change rival
frontiers, but to mould the hearts and spirits of men--there lie the
explanation and the justification of all that we have endured.  The
system which left seven million dead upon the fields of Europe must
be rotten to the core.  Time will elapse before the true message is
mastered, but when that day arrives the war of 1914 may be regarded
as the end of the dark ages and the start of that upward path which
leads away from personal or national selfishness towards the City
Beautiful upon the distant hills.




{307}

APPENDIX

The following account of some personal experiences on the day when
the Hindenburg Line was finally broken--the most important day,
perhaps, in the whole war--may possibly be worthy of the decent
obscurity of an appendix, though it is too slight and too personal
for the pages of a serious chronicle.  It is appended for what it is
worth, reprinted with a few additions from the columns of _The
Times_:--

  Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord,
  He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored.


The grand, sonorous, mystical lines of Julia Ward Howe rang in my
head as I found myself by most unlooked-for chance an actual
eyewitness of this, one of the historical episodes of the greatest of
wars.  Yes, with my own eyes I saw the rent while the men who made it
were still pushing forward from the farther side of it.

Even now I can hardly realise that it was so.  A kindly invitation
from the Australian Government explains my presence on their front,
while the energy and goodwill of a helpful soldier on the spot, a
captain of Australian Artillery, brought about the rest.  Let me try
to transcribe what I saw.

It was about 11 o'clock when we reached the edge of the battle-field
on Sunday, September 29.  "We" refers to Sir Joseph Cook, Colonial
statesman, Commander Latham, the Australian Naval Attaché, and
myself, with Captain Plunket, a twice-wounded Australian officer, as
our shepherd.

The programme of the day was already clear in our heads.  American
Divisions were to rush the front line.  The Australian {308}
Divisions were to pass through them, and carry the battle front
forward.  Already as we arrived the glad news came back that the
Americans had done their part, and that the Australians had just been
unleashed.  Also that the Germans were standing to it like men.

As our car threaded the crowded street between the ruins of Templeux
we met the wounded coming back, covered cars with nothing visible
save protruding boots, and a constant stream of pedestrians, some
limping, some with bandaged arms and faces, some supported by Red
Cross men, a few in pain, most of them smiling grimly behind their
cigarettes.  Amid them came the first clump of prisoners, fifty or
more, pitiable enough, and yet I could not pity them, the weary,
shuffling, hang-dog creatures, with no touch of nobility in their
features or their bearing.

The village was full of Americans and Australians, extraordinarily
like each other in type.  One could well have lingered, for it was
all of great interest, but there were even greater interests ahead,
so we turned up a hill, left our car, which had reached its limit,
and proceeded on foot.  The road took us through a farm, where a
British anti-aircraft battery stood ready for action.  Then we found
open plain, and went forward, amid old trenches and rusty wire, in
the direction of the battle.

We had now passed the heavy gun positions, and were among the
field-guns, so that the noise was deafening.  A British howitzer
battery was hard at work, and we stopped to chat with the major.  His
crews had been at it for six hours, but were in great good-humour,
and chuckled mightily when the blast of one of their guns nearly
drove in our eardrums, we having got rather too far forward.  The
effect was that of a ringing box on the exposed ear--with which
valediction we left our grinning British gunners and pushed on to the
east, under a screaming canopy of our own shells.  The wild, empty
waste of moor was broken by a single shallow quarry or gravel-pit, in
which we could see some movement.  In it we found an advanced
dressing station, with about a hundred American and Australian
gunners and orderlies.  {309} There were dug-outs in the sides of
this flat excavation, and it had been an American battalion H.Q. up
to a few hours before.  We were now about a thousand yards from the
Hindenburg Line, and I learned with emotion that this spot was the
Egg Redoubt, one of those advanced outposts of General Gough's Army
which suffered so tragic and glorious a fate in that great military
epic of March 21--one of the grandest in the whole war.  The fact
that we were now actually standing in the Egg Redoubt showed me, as
nothing else could have done, how completely the ground had been
recovered, and how the day of retribution was at hand.

We were standing near the eastward lip of the excavation, and looking
over it, when it was first brought to our attention that it took two
to make a battle.  Up to now we had seen only one.  Now two shells
burst in quick succession forty yards in front of us, and a spray of
earth went into the air.  "Whizz-bangs," remarked our soldier-guide
casually.  Personally, I felt less keenly interested in their name
than in the fact that they were there at all.

We thought we had done pretty well to get within 1000 yards of the
famous line, but now came a crowning bit of good fortune, for an
Australian gunner captain, a mere lad, but a soldier from his hawk's
eyes to his active feet, volunteered to rush us forward to some coign
of vantage known to himself.  So it was Eastward Ho! once more, still
over a dull, barren plain sloping gently upwards, with little sign of
life.  Here and there was the quick fluff of a bursting shell, but at
a comforting distance.  Suddenly ahead of us a definite object broke
the sky-line.  It was a Tank, upon which the crew were working with
spanners and levers, for its comrades were now far ahead, and it
would fain follow.  This, it seems, was the grand stand which our
young gunner had selected.  On to the top of it we clambered--and
there, at our very feet and less than 500 yards away, was the rift
which had been torn a few hours before in the Hindenburg line.  On
the dun slope beyond it, under our very eyes, was even now being
fought a part of that great fight where at last the children of light
were beating down into the earth the forces of darkness.  It {310}
was there.  We could see it.  And yet how little there was to see!

The ridge was passed and the ground sloped down, as dark and heathy
as Hindhead.  In front of us lay a village.  It was Bellicourt.  The
Hindenburg position ran through it.  It lay quiet enough, and with
the unaided eye one could see rusty red fields of wire in front of
it.  But the wire had availed nothing, nor had the trench that lurked
behind it, for beyond it, beside the village of Nauroy, there was a
long white line, clouds of pale steam-like vapour spouting up against
a dark, rain-sodden sky.  "The Boche smoke barrage," said our guide.
"They are going to counter-attack."  Only this, the long, white,
swirling cloud upon the dark plain, told of the strife in front of
us.  With my glasses I saw what looked like Tanks, but whether
wrecked or in action I could not say.  There was the battle--the
greatest of battles--but nowhere could I see a moving figure.  It is
true that all the noises of the Pit seemed to rise from that lonely
landscape, but noise was always with us, go where we would.

The Australians were ahead where that line of smoke marked their
progress.  In the sloping fields, which at that point emerged out of
the moor, the victorious Americans, who had done their part, were
crouching.  It was an assured victory upon which we gazed, achieved
so rapidly that we were ourselves standing far forward in ground
which had been won that day.  The wounded had been brought in, and I
saw no corpses, though some friends who had reached the line to our
left found eighteen American lads lying dead by the roadside.  On
that side the fight was very severe, and the Germans, who had been
hidden in their huge dug-outs, were doing their usual trick of
emerging and cutting off the attack.  So much we gathered afterwards,
but for the moment it was the panorama before us which was engrossing
all our thoughts.

Suddenly the German guns woke up.  I can but pray that it was not our
group which drew their fire upon the half-mended Tank.  Shell after
shell fell in its direction, all of them short, but creeping forward
with each salvo.  It was time for us to go.  If any man says that
without a call of {311} duty he likes being under aimed shell-fire,
he is not a man whose word I would trust.  Some of the shells burst
with a rusty red outflame, and we were told that they were gas
shells.  I may say that before we were admitted on to the
battle-field at all, we were ushered one by one into a room where
some devil's pipkin was bubbling in the corner, and were taught to
use our gas-masks by the simple expedient of telling us that if we
failed to acquire the art then and there a very painful alternative
was awaiting us.

We made our way back, with no indecent haste, but certainly without
loitering, across the plain, the shells always getting rather nearer,
until we came to the excavation.  Here we had a welcome rest, for our
good gunner took us into his cubby-hole of a dug-out, which would at
least stop shrapnel, and we shared his tea and dried beef, a true
Australian soldier's meal.

The German fire was now rather heavy, and our expert host explained
that this meant that he had recovered from the shock of the attack,
had reorganised his guns, and was generally his merry self once more.
From where we sat we could see heavy shells bursting far to our rear,
and there was a general atmosphere of explosion all round us, which
might have seemed alarming had it not been for the general chatty
afternoon-tea appearance of all these veteran soldiers with whom it
was our privilege to find ourselves.  A group of sulky-looking German
prisoners sat in a corner, while a lank and freckled Australian
soldier, with his knee sticking out of a rent in his trousers was
walking about with four watches dangling from his hand, endeavouring
vainly to sell them.  Far be it from me to assert that he did not
bring the watches from Sydney and choose this moment for doing a deal
in them, but they were heavy old Teutonic time-pieces, and the
prisoners seemed to take a rather personal interest in them.

As we started on our homeward track we came, first, upon the British
battery which seemed to be limbering up with some idea of advancing,
and so lost its chance of administering a box on our other ear.
Farther still we met our friends of the air guns, and stopped again
to exchange a few impressions.  {312} They had nothing to fire at,
and seemed bored to tears, for the red, white, and blue machines were
in full command of the sky.  Soon we found our motor waiting in the
lee of a ruined house, and began to thread our way back through the
wonderfully picturesque streams of men, American, Australian,
British, and German, who were strung along the road.

And then occurred a very horrible incident.  One knew, of course,
that one could not wander about a battlefield and not find oneself
sooner or later involved in some tragedy, but we were now out of
range of any but heavy guns, and their shots were spasmodic.  We had
halted the car for an instant to gather up two German helmets which
Commander Latham had seen on the roadside, when there was a very
heavy burst close ahead round a curve in the village street.  A
geyser of red brick-dust flew up into the air.  An instant later our
car rounded the corner.  None of us will forget what we saw.  There
was a tangle of mutilated horses, their necks rising and sinking.
Beside them a man with his hand blown off was staggering away, the
blood gushing from his upturned sleeve.  He was moving round and
holding the arm raised and hanging, as a dog holds an injured foot.
Beside the horses lay a shattered man, drenched crimson from head to
foot, with two great glazed eyes looking upwards through a mask of
blood.  Two comrades were at hand to help, and we could only go upon
our way with the ghastly picture stamped for ever upon our memory.
The image of that dead driver might well haunt one in one's dreams.

Once through Templeux and on the main road for Peronne things became
less exciting, and we drew up to see a column of 900 prisoners pass
us.  Each side of the causeway was lined by Australians, with their
keen, clear-cut, falcon faces, and between lurched these heavy-jawed,
beetle-browed, uncouth louts, new caught and staring round with
bewildered eyes at their debonnaire captors.  I saw none of that
relief at getting out of it which I have read of; nor did I see any
signs of fear, but the prevailing impression was an ox-like stolidity
and dulness.  It was a herd of beasts, not a procession of men.  It
was indeed farcical to think that these {313} uniformed bumpkins
represented the great military nation, while the gallant figures who
lined the road belonged to the race which they had despised as being
unwarlike.  Time and Fate between them have a pretty sense of humour.
One of them caught my eye as he passed and roared out in guttural
English, "The old Jairman is out!"  It was the only word I heard them
speak.  French cavalry troopers, stern, dignified, and martial, rode
at either end of the bedraggled procession.

They are great soldiers, these Australians.  I think they would admit
it themselves, but a spectator is bound to confirm it.  There is a
reckless dare-devilry, combined with a spice of cunning, which gives
them a place of their own in the Imperial ranks.  They have a great
advantage, too, in having a permanent organisation, the same five
divisions always in the same Corps, under the same chief.  It doubles
their military value--and the same applies equally, of course, to the
Canadians.  None the less, they must not undervalue their British
comrades or lose their sense of proportion.  I had a chance of
addressing some 1200 of them on our return that evening, and while
telling them all that I thought of their splendid deeds, I ventured
to remind them that 72 per cent of the men engaged and 76 per cent of
the casualties were Englishmen of England.  But this is a description
of a day's adventure on the Hindenburg line, and my deep appreciation
of the Commonwealth soldiers, of their officers, and of their
Commander, must appear elsewhere.

ARTHUR CONAN DOYLE.




{315}

INDEX


Abancourt, 259, 261, 262

Achiet-le-Grand, 81, 102, 103, 106, 121, 123

Achiet-le-Petit, 121

Adams, Sapper, V.C., 202

Aisne River, 1, 5, 6, 21, 80

Albert, 26, 45, 47, 48, 82, 84, 85, 228

Allason, General, 86

Allenby, General Sir Edmund, 22, 296

American Army, co-operation of, with British Armies, 6, 25, 32, 37,
38, 39, 40, 41, 150-158, 161, 164, 166, 168, 169, 174, 175, 177, 178,
179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 307-313; advance in the
Argonne, 293; successful attack on the St. Mihiel salient, 293; in
Sedan, 293

Americans reinforce the Allies on Western front, 2, 23

Amerval, 231, 234

Amiens, 26, 40, 45

Ancre River, 31, 33, 39, 47, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 103, 120,
122, 124

Angre, 274, 275

Anneux, 215, 216, 217

Ardres River, 6, 7, 9, 12, 14, 139

Argonne, American advance in the, 293

Arleux, 258, 264

Armistice, the, 204, 205, 275, 295, 297; signed, 301; terms of, 302

Arras, 139, 277

Artres, 270, 271

Atkinson, Major, 20

Auby, 278, 287

Aunelle, Petite, 253

Aunelle River, 254, 274

Austria, defeated on the Piave, 3, 22; collapse of, 294-295, 300

Avesnes, 204, 227

Avre River, 25, 27

Awoingt, 221, 227



Babington, General Sir J., 294

Baden, Prince Max of, 300

Bagdad, 22

Bailleul, 139, 282

Baku, 22

Banks, Colonel, 51

Banteux, 210

Bapaume, 60, 90, 91, 125, 126

Barastre, 93, 127

Barbow, Colonel, 20

Barker, General, 50

Barnes, General, 129

Bauer, Herr, 302

Bavay, 255, 275

Bazuel, 190, 191

Beaucourt, 81, 83

Beaufort, 29, 34, 35, 247

Beaulencourt, 89, 91, 92, 126

Beaurevoir, 162, 165, 168, 171, 172, 174

Beaurevoir Line, 152, 166, 167, 171, 210, 219, 220, 248

Behagnies, 105, 107, 108

Belgians, King Albert of, 283

Belgian Army, co-operation with British Armies, 283, 284, 288, 289

Bell, General (U.S. Army), 38

Bellenglise, 158, 160

Bellicourt, 66, 151, 153, 156, 310

Benstall, General, 28

Berlaimont, 197, 242, 246

Berthaucourt, 74, 75, 76

Berthelot, General, 13

Bertry, 176, 222

Bethell, General, 170, 204

Beugneux, 19, 20

Beugny, 126, 127

Biastre, 224, 229

Bickmore, Colonel, 10

Bihucourt, 120, 123

Billon Wood, 49, 50

Birdwood, General Sir W., 141, 276, 281, 283, 286, 290, 291, 292

Bissett, Lieutenant, V.C., 269

Blacklock, General, 273

Blanding, General (U.S. Army), 152

Blecourt, 259, 260, 262

Bligny, 6, 13, 14

Boiry Becquerelle, 103, 142

Bois du Temple, 246, 247

Bois l'Évêque, 192, 200

Bouchavesnes, 59, 60

Bouilly, 7, 8

Bourlon village, 256, 257

Bourlon Wood, 216, 256

Bousies, 192, 193, 237

Boyd, General, 75, 157

Braithwaite, General, 6, 8, 12, 64, 72, 98, 118, 119, 149, 150, 157,
161, 164, 185, 205

Brancourt, 178

Bray, 45

Brie, 63, 64

Brodie, Colonel, V.C., 106

Brutinel, General, 263

Bucquoy, 81, 82, 121

Bulgaria, surrender to Allies, 296, 300

Bullecourt, 131, 132, 133, 134

Burnett, General, 8

Burnyeat, Colonel, 194

Butler, General, 26, 40, 63, 68, 149

Buzancy, 14, 15, 17

Byng, General Sir Julian, 24, 43, 79, 80, 83, 98, 107, 109, 120, 126,
128, 129, 138, 170, 214, 218, 230



Cadorna, General, 294

Caix, 28, 34

Calvert, Sergeant, 118

Cambrai, 144, 225, 227, 260, 262, 263, 265

Cameron, General, 143, 267

Campbell, General, 6, 82, 84, 87, 88, 95, 97, 208, 246

Canal de l'Escaut, 150, 170, 208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 214, 217, 218,
219, 260, 263, 265, 266

Canal du Nord, 66, 94, 117, 118, 137, 142, 144, 147, 215, 256, 257,
258, 261, 264, 265

Cantaing, 215, 216, 217

Capelle, 239

Caporetto, 294

Carey, General, 286

Carter-Campbell, General, 12, 139

Cartwright, General, 204

Catillon, 194, 195, 200, 202, 203

Cayley, General, 284

Chaplin, General, 18

Charles, General, 170

Château-Thierry, 5

Chaumuzy, 12, 14

Cheape, General, 282

Chipilly, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 38, 39

Clarke, Sergeant, 201

Clemenceau, M., 3, 283

Cloutman, Major, V.C., 245

Cockhill, Captain, 9

Coffin, General, 284

Cojeul River, 104, 129, 130

Comines, 285, 288

Constantine, King, 22

Constantinople, 297

Cook, Sir Joseph, 307

Courcelette, 86, 89

Courcelles, 101

Coussmaker, Colonel, 105

Craigie-Hackett, General, 174

Cressaire Wood, 39, 40

Crevecœur, 166, 210, 223, 247

Croisilles, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111, 114, 129, 130, 131

Cross, Colonel, 106

Crown Prince of Germany, 300

Cubitt, General, 82, 84, 233

Cuitron, 7, 9

Currie, General Sir A., 26, 259, 263, 266



Daly, General, 218, 226, 227

Damascus occupied, 296

Damery, 35, 41

Dardanelles, 297

Dawson, Colonel, 70, 287

Daykins, Corporal, V.C., 235

Debeney, General, 25

De Lisle, General, 282, 283, 290

Delville, 50

Delville Wood, 91

D'Esperey, General Franchet, 295

Deverell, General, 98, 112, 211

Diaz, General, 294

Dixmude, 288

Doake, Captain, 48

Dobson, Colonel, 21

Doiran, Lake, 296

Dompierre, 52, 198

Dooner, Colonel, 20

Douai, 144, 204, 279, 290

Douai Canal, 278

Drocourt-Quéant Line, 132, 135, 136, 143, 261, 265, 277

Dudgeon, General, 87

Duncan, General, 218

Dury, 144, 145



East Africa, 297

Ecaillon, 184

Ecaillon River, 238, 239, 267, 268, 269, 270

Ecoust, 107, 110, 113, 114, 132, 133

Egerton, Lieutenant, 287

Englefontaine, 193, 240, 241

Epéhy, 62, 66, 68, 97

Ervillers, 104, 105, 106, 107

Erzberger, Herr, 300

Escarmain, 239, 251

Escaufort, 176, 179

Estrées, 52, 157, 172, 174, 264

Eterpigny, 143, 161



Faison, General (U.S. Army), 153

Favreuil, 110, 125

Fergusson, General Sir Charles, 110, 114, 128, 138, 139, 140, 145,
214, 218, 250

Feuillaucourt, 54, 55, 57

Fisher, General, 101, 102

Flers, 89, 90, 91

Flesquières, 209, 211

Foch, Marshal, 3, 4, 21, 292, 300

Fonsomme, 162, 166

Fontaine, 215, 217, 257

Fontaine-les-Croisilles, 129, 131

Forest, 177, 237

Fortune, General, 16

Framerville, 34, 36

Frémicourt, 90, 126

French Army, co-operation of, with British Armies, 10-21, 27, 28, 78,
80, 161, 162, 165, 166, 178, 179, 180, 185, 186, 187, 194, 283, 288,
289, 291

Fresnes, 265, 277

Fresnoy, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 243

Fresnoy-le-Grand, 180

Freyberg, General, 282

Frisby, Captain, V.C., 212

Fryell, General, 174



Gagnicourt, 135, 136, 144, 145

Gauche Wood, 96

Gavrelle, 141, 276

General position on Western front in July, 1-4; survey of the various
fronts at beginning of August, 21-23

George, Mr. Lloyd, 3

Germany, internal condition of, 2; collapse of resistance, 299

Gheluvelt, 284, 288

Gheluwe, 289

Ghisignies, 238, 240

Gillibrand, General, 29

Girdwood, General, 60, 60

Glasgow, General, 30

Godley, General Sir A. J., 6, 40, 63, 143, 258, 264, 276

Gomiecourt, 103, 104, 105, 106, 123

Gorringe, General, 32, 40

Gort, Lord, V.C., 211

Gough, General Sir Hubert, 71, 309

Gouraud, General, 4, 5

Gouy, 151, 154, 171, 172, 173, 219

Gouzeaucourt, 96, 97, 98, 127, 207

Graincourt, 211, 215, 216, 257

Grandcourt, 82, 87, 88

Grand Rozoy, 18, 19, 20

Greenland Hill, 141, 142

Greenwood, Colonel, 88

Gregg, Lieutenant, V.C., 262

Gricourt, 77, 78, 149, 159

Griffiths, Lieutenant, 85

Grogan, General, 277

Guémappe, 140

Gueudecourt, 89, 91

Guild, Major, 202

Guillemont, 51, 90

Guillemont Farm, 151, 154, 155, 163

Gwyn-Thomas, General, 86, 98



Haig, Field Marshal Sir Douglas, 21, 25, 80, 166, 241

Haking, General Sir R., 283, 290

Haldane, General Sir J., 80, 83, 98, 103, 105, 110, 114, 224, 239,
240, 249

Hamelincourt, 103, 104

Harper, General Sir G. M., 80, 83, 98, 120, 208, 209, 213, 223, 234,
238, 248

Harpies River, 237, 251

Harris, Sergeant, V.C., 40

Hart, General, 242

Hart, Colonel, 17

Hartennes Forest, 16, 17

Hartley, Colonel, 100

Haspres, 266, 267

Haucourt, 141, 143

Haussy, 228, 250, 251

Havrincourt, 118, 119, 120, 128

Havrincourt Wood, 210

Hendecourt, 131, 132, 133, 134, 145

Henderson, Colonel, 104, 116

Heneker, General, 141, 276, 277

Henin, 108

Henin Hill, 108, 129, 130

Herbert, Colonel, 114

Herting, Count von, 299

Hickie, General Sir W., 173

Higginson, General, 31, 51, 66, 287

High Wood, 90

Hill, General, 129

Hindenburg, General von, 48, 300

Hindenburg Line, the, 42, 43, 62, 65, 66, 69, 71, 72, 75, 77, 79, 83,
95, 98, 105, 106, 108, 109, 111, 118, 119, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132,
136, 137, 143, 149, 151, 152, 153, 155, 163, 166, 169, 207, 208, 210,
214, 215, 219, 282, 307-313

Hobbs, General, 30, 155

Holland, General, 141, 283

Hollebeke, 283, 285

Holnon, 74, 75

Honey, Lieutenant, V.C., 262

Hongnau River, 249, 254

Horne, General Sir H., 24, 41, 138, 141, 276, 280

Houthulst Forest, 284

Hull, General, 129

Hunter, General, 176

Hunter-Weston, General Sir A., 141, 170, 265, 276



Inchy, 137, 223

Incledon-Webber, General, 39

Irles, 120, 124

Irwin, Colonel, 59, 193

Italy, victorious on the Piave, 3, 22, 294; co-operation of, on
Western front, 7

Iwuy, 227, 264, 266



Jackson, General, 170, 173

Jackson, Corporal, V.C., 212

Jacob, General Sir C., 283, 284, 285, 288

Jeffreys, General, 218, 286

Jerusalem, 296

Johnson, Colonel, V.C., 203

Joncourt, 156, 161, 162

Jourdain, Colonel, 20



Kaiser, the, 300

Kennedy, Colonel, 17

Kerr, Lieutenant, V.C., 262

Kruseik, 284



La Bassée, 286, 292

La Boiselle, 49, 85

La Capelle, 300

La Folie Wood, 215, 217

Lagnicourt, 115, 135

Lambert, General, 44, 72, 158

Landrecies, 195, 196, 197, 204

Latham, Commander, 307, 312

Lawford, General, 284

Le Cateau, 147, 177, 183, 187, 188, 190, 191, 247, 290

Le Catelet, 151, 154, 156, 157, 171, 172, 173, 219

L'Escaut, 267

Le Hamel, action of, 24, 25

Le Quesnel, 29, 34, 35

Le Quesnoy, 238, 242, 270

Le Tronquoy, 158, 161

Le Vergies, 161, 162

Le Verguier, 65, 72

Lee, General, 31, 46, 66, 170

Lempire, 66, 67

Lens, 27, 100, 276, 286, 287

Lettow-Vorbeck, General von, 297

Lewis, General (U.S. Army), 152

Lihons, 35, 36, 37

Lille, 290, 292, 293

Lipsett, General, 28, 267

Locquignol, 197, 242

Logeast Wood, 82, 121, 123

Longueval, 89, 90, 91

Lucas, General, 267

Luce River, 27

Ludendorff, General, 30, 42, 281, 300

Lys River, 285, 288, 289, 290



M'Culloch, General, 87, 88

MacDonald, Captain, 192

Macdonell, General, 28

MacGregor, Captain, V.C., 262

MacGregor, Lieutenant R. R., 116

Maclagan, General, 30, 37

Macleod, Colonel, 17

Macquincourt Valley, 163, 164

Malincourt, 220, 222

Mametz, 49, 50

Mametz Wood, 89

Manchester Hill, 75, 78

Mangin, General, 5, 14, 18, 44, 80

Mannequin Hill, 165, 166, 180

Marcoing, 212, 217

Marden, General, 72, 73, 78, 157

Marfaux, 7, 9, 14

Marindin, General, 284

Marne River, 1, 4, 5, 6, 11

Maroilles, 195, 197

Marou, 235, 236

Marshall, General, 22, 297

Martin, General, 54, 167

Masnières, 171, 213, 223

Maubeuge, 197, 249, 255

Meaulte, 47, 48

Menin, 289

Menin Road, 284, 285, 288

Mennevret, 186, 187

Mericourt, 180, 286

Merisfield, Sergeant, V.C., 262

Merville, 292

Mesopotamia, 22, 297

Messines, 283, 285

Meteren, 282

Mezières, 28, 204

Milne, General, 296

Miraumont, 82, 83, 85, 87, 88, 120, 122, 123, 124

Misitch, Marshal, 295

Mœuvres, 117, 137, 256

Moir, Major, 12

Molain, 182, 184

Monash, General Sir John, 25, 26, 29, 36, 52, 63, 71, 169

Monchy, 140

Mons, 280

Mont St. Quentin, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 63, 64

Montauban, 50

Montay, 177, 231

Montbrehain, 165, 168, 171

Morchies, 115, 135

Morcourt, 31, 34

Morlancourt, 25, 26, 31, 33, 34

Morland, General, 164, 169, 170, 171, 174, 179, 199, 200, 219, 230

Mormal Forest, 191, 195, 237, 241, 243, 244, 245, 246, 248

Morval, 51, 91, 92

Mory, 106, 107, 109, 110

Moyenneville, 81, 99, 100

Murman Coast, 23



Nagle, Captain, 116

Nauroy, 151, 154, 156, 157, 160, 161, 310

Neuve Eglise, 282

Neuvilly, 223, 229, 231, 232, 233, 234

Nicholson, General, 18, 19

Nicholson, Captain, 49

Nieppe, 281, 282

Niergnies, 221, 222

Nivelle, 287

Noreuil, 115, 134

Norton, General, 244

Noyelles, 212, 268

Nurlu, 61, 62, 94



Oise River, 3, 5, 80

Oldham, General, 244

Onions, Corporal, V.C., 123

Oppy, 141, 276, 287

Orr-Ewing, General, 16

Ors, 194, 195, 200, 201

O'Ryan, General (U.S. Army), 151

Ostend, 289, 290

Ovillers, 85

Owen, General, 62



Palestine, 22

Parvillers, 35, 41

Peace conference at Paris, 302; chief terms of settlement, 302-304

Peizières, 62, 66, 67, 94, 97

Pelves, 141, 142

Penet, General, 18

Percival, Colonel, 51

Pereira, General, 98

Peronne, 53, 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64

Pershing, General, 293

Petit Camp Wood, 7, 8, 9

Piave, defeat of Austrians on, 3, 22, 294

Pierce, General (U.S. Army), 151

Pinney, General, 96, 208, 231

Ploegsteert, 282

Ploegsteert Wood, 285

Plumer, General Sir H., 283, 284

Plunket, Captain, 307

Ponchaux, 172, 173, 175

Ponsonby, General, 124

Pout d'Aire, 262, 263

Pontruet, 76, 77, 158, 159

Portuguese, 292

Pozières, 85, 86

Premont, 175, 176, 178

Preseau, 252, 272, 273

Priez Farm, 51, 59, 60

Pronville, 137, 146

Prospect Hill, 171, 172

Puisieux, 120, 122

Pys, 89, 124



Quadrilateral, the, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78

Quéant, 115, 116, 135, 136, 137, 146, 264

Quinnemont Farm, 151, 154



Raillencourt, 258, 259

Ramicourt, 163, 165, 166

Ramillies, 226, 262, 263

Ramsay, General, 31

Rancourt, 59, 60

Rawlinson, General Sir Henry, 24, 25, 34, 40, 41, 53, 59, 80, 82, 84,
90, 94, 96, 107, 138, 148, 149, 169, 223

Read, General (U.S. Army), 150, 184


Regiments:

_Artillery--_

Royal Field Artillery, 10, 21

Honourable Artillery Company, 294

Trench Mortar, 49, 60

_Cavalry--_

6th Dragoon Guards, 91, 227

12th Lancers, 198

16th Lancers, 275

3rd Hussars, 245

8th Hussars, 89

20th Hussars, 89

Northumberland Hussars, 33

Oxford Hussars, 226, 240

Australian Light Horse, 64, 275

Canadian Light Horse, 263

_Guards--_

Coldstream, 100, 104, 110, 111, 212

Grenadier, 100, 104, 109, 110, 211

Scots, 100, 104, 107, 109

Welsh, 107, 109

_Infantry--_

Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, 10, 11, 20, 142, 269, 271

Bedford, 48, 51, 192, 196, 244

Berkshire, 49, 50. 51, 61, 62, 99, 107, 193, 276, 277, 287

Black Watch, 10, 14, 15, 142, 159, 196

Border, 94, 234

Buffs (East Kent), 39, 47, 193

Cambridge, 33, 62, 287

Cameron Highlanders, 16, 17, 73

Cameronians (Scottish Rifles), 16, 215, 289, 291

Cheshire, 20, 244, 253, 254

Connaught Rangers, 177

Devon, 8, 119, 123, 245, 277

Dorset, 86, 93, 98, 201, 233

Duke of Cornwall's, 245

Durham Light Infantry, 8, 9, 87, 97, 118, 177

East Surrey, 47, 50, 59, 193, 244

East Yorkshire, 87, 88, 97, 223, 233

Essex, 48, 50, 62, 69, 192, 196, 269, 270

Gloucester, 76, 77, 78, 159, 196, 202, 203, 250

Gordon Highlanders, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 17, 101, 102, 103, 112, 113,
142, 225, 238, 271

Hampshire, 7, 118, 208, 272

Hereford, 20, 128

Highland Light Infantry, 105, 106, 108, 215

Inniskilling Fusiliers, 171, 198

King's Liverpool, 100, 104, 106, 107, 113, 177

King's Own Royal Lancaster, 101, 103, 225, 239

King's Own Scottish Borderers, 16, 17, 134, 289

King's Royal Rifles, 73, 74, 77, 107, 172, 190

Lancashire Fusiliers, 201, 238, 269, 270

_Infantry--_

Leicester, 156, 160

Lincoln, 94, 97, 160

London Rifle Brigade, 131, 274

1st London, 108, 131

2nd London, 49, 131, 274

3rd London, 49

4th London, 49, 105, 133

6th London, 38

10th London, 32, 38

13th London (Kensingtons), 105, 133, 274

14th London (Scottish), 105, 133, 274

20th London, 119

22nd London, 46

23rd London, 46

24th London, 46

24th London (Queen's Westminsters), 131

Manchester, 231, 235, 236

Middlesex, 108, 131, 258, 277, 278, 279

Munster Fusiliers, 135, 136, 190

Norfolk, 62, 244

Northampton, 47, 51, 70, 76, 163, 227, 254

North Lancashire, 20, 73, 158, 159

North Staffordshire, 159, 160

Northumberland Fusiliers, 100, 102, 114, 172

Oxford and Bucks, 105, 106, 108

Queen's (West Surrey), 48, 59, 193

Rifle Brigade, 224, 272, 279

Royal Fusiliers, 47, 48, 51, 67, 70, 99, 100, 105, 108, 113

Royal Irish, 136

Royal Scots, 10, 12, 16, 17, 101, 104, 115, 116, 120, 215, 239

Royal Scots Fusiliers, 101, 115, 116, 120, 239

Royal West Kent, 40, 48, 50, 60, 70, 192, 193, 196, 287

Seaforth Highlanders, 10, 12, 14, 15, 17, 142, 273

Sherwood Foresters, 160, 174, 177, 179, 185, 277

Shropshire, 101, 104, 115

Somerset Light Infantry, 268

South Staffordshire, 106, 159, 160

South Wales Borderers, 159, 202, 203

Suffolk, 101, 103, 112, 116, 225, 239

Sussex, 20, 62, 73, 74, 76, 203

Warwick, 196, 251, 252, 268

Welsh, 77, 84, 85, 202, 203, 242

Welsh Fusiliers, 294

West Riding, 7, 8, 9, 93, 110, 118, 232, 268

West Yorkshire, 13, 93, 98, 212, 234, 277

Wiltshire, 190, 251, 254

Worcester, 196, 252, 277, 279

York and Lancaster, 7, 8, 118, 235

Yorkshire, 177, 288

Yorkshire Light Infantry, 7, 87, 97, 118, 172, 198, 269, 273

--------

Royal Engineers, 21, 104, 160, 201, 202, 245, 287

Royal Naval Division, 101, 102, 121, 123, 124, 125, 135, 136, 137,
145, 146, 214, 216, 217, 218, 221, 222, 273, 275

Tunnelling Companies, 196, 278

_Overseas Forces--_

Australians, 6, 12, 25, 29, 30, 31, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42,
44, 45, 46, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 67, 71,
72, 73, 74, 79, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 162, 164,
165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, 174, 282, 307-313

Canadians, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 34, 35, 36, 41, 42, 107, 110, 111,
116, 129, 130, 132, 134, 135, 136, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145,
146, 147, 148, 176, 215, 216, 217, 227, 228, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260,
261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 269, 271, 276, 278

New Zealanders, 6, 9, 83, 95, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 166,
209, 210, 213, 223, 224, 226, 232, 238, 240, 242, 243, 245, 248

South Africans, 52, 170, 175, 188, 189, 190


Rheims, 3, 4, 6

Rhonelle River, 252, 270, 271, 272

Ribeauville, 184, 187

Ribecourt, 211, 212

Richemont River, 192, 193

Riencourt, 126, 131, 132, 134, 136, 145

Riqueval, 158, 159

Ritchie, General, 286

Roberts, Colonel, 279

Robertson, General (17th Division), 82, 87, 93, 97, 231

Robertson, General (5th Brigade), 57

Robinson, General, 196

Robinson, Mr. Perry, correspondent of _The Times_, quoted, 146, 147

Rollo, General, 172

Romeries, 238, 251

Ronssoy, 66, 67

Rosenthal, General, 54, 58, 63

Rosières, 34, 35, 36

Roulers, 289

Rumilly, 213, 214

Russell, General Sir A. H., 209, 223

Russia in revolution, 22, 23, 304



St. Benin, 177, 179, 188

St. Christ, 63, 64

St. Georges River, 238

St. Leger, 107, 109

St. Maurice River, 184

St. Mihiel, American success at, 293

St. Pierre, 186

St. Pierre Divion, 83, 84, 85

St. Pierre Vaast Wood, 61

St. Python, 226, 235

St. Quentin Canal, 54, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 165, 171,
172, 174, 175

St. Souplet, 179, 182, 183, 187

Sadleir-Jackson, General, 48

Sailly-Sallisel, 60, 92

Saint, Colonel, 33

Salonica, 22, 295

Sambre and Oise Canal, 191, 194, 195, 196, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203

Sambre River, 197, 241, 245, 246, 249

Sanders, General, 98

Sapignies, 105, 107, 108

Sassegnies, 195, 197

Scarpe River, 138, 139, 140, 143, 258, 265, 276, 277, 278, 287

Scheidemann, Herr, 302

Scheldt River, 292

Schwaben Redoubt, 86

Sedan, Americans in, 293

Selency, 74, 76, 78

Selle River, 175, 176, 177, 179, 182, 187, 191, 199, 223, 224, 226,
227, 228, 229, 231, 250, 251, 266, 267, 268, 270

Sensée Canal, 263

Sensée River, 105, 131, 144, 258, 260

Sequehart, 162, 163, 165, 166, 168, 171

Serain, 175, 176

Serre, 81

Shute, General, 80, 82, 84, 98, 173, 208, 219, 230

Skinner, General, 284

Smith, Colonel (Gordons), 17

Smith, Colonel (Seaforths), 14

Smith, Colonel Holroyd, 87, 88, 97

Smyth, General, 29

Soissons, captured by French, 21

Solesmes, 226, 229, 234

Solly-Flood, General, 83, 122

Someren, Colonel van, 51

Somme River, 1, 25, 26, 30, 31, 32, 34, 37, 38, 39, 40, 44, 45, 52,
54, 60, 80

Spicer, Captain, 88

Statton, Sergeant, 38

Stephens, General, 283, 288

Strickland, General, 64, 72, 157

Sugden, General, 171

Suthery, Captain, 49

Swindells, Colonel, 20

Syria, 297



Tadpole Copse, 117, 137

Tanner, General, 188, 189

Tara Hill, 48, 82, 88

Tarleton, Colonel, 14

Templeux, 62, 67, 72, 308, 312

Thiepval, 82, 84, 85, 86

Thilloy, 125, 126

Thomas, Colonel, 93

Thomson, General, 14, 18

Thorpe, Colonel, 194

Thure River, 247

Tigris River, 296

Tortille River, 61

Tourcoing, 290

Trento captured, 295

Trescault, 96, 118, 119, 127, 128

Trieste, surrendered to Italy, 295

Trinquis River, 147, 258, 265, 278

Trones Wood, 50, 90

Tudor, General, 284

Turkey, collapse of, 296

Turner, Colonel, 17

Tweedie, Colonel, 78



Usna Hill, 48, 84, 85



Valenciennes, 269, 270, 271, 272

Vandhuile, 66, 149, 150, 151, 163, 164, 171, 172, 219

Vaulx-Vraucourt, 110, 112, 113, 126

Vaux Andigny, 179, 181

Vaux Wood, 52

Vendegies, 237, 240, 252, 268

Venizelos, M., 22

Vesle River, 21

Vickery, Colonel, 117

Vieux Berquin, 282

Villers-Bretonneux, 29, 169

Villers-Cotterets, 3, 4

Villers-Guislain, 208

Villera-Outreaux, 175, 176

Villers St. Ghislain, 275

Vincent, General, 33

Vitry, 277, 278



Walsh, Colonel, 97

Walthall, General, 21

Wambaix, 221, 225

Wargnies, 243, 254

Warlencourt, 89, 124

Watson, General, 28

Watts, General Sir H., 283, 284, 288

Weeks, Captain, 20

Wemyss, Admiral Sir Rosslyn, 301

Whigham, General, 98, 212

Wiancourt, 165, 167

Wilkinson, Private, V.C., 235

Williams, General (37th Division), 83, 121

Williams, General (102nd Brigade), 18

Wilson, President, 279, 300

Wisdom, General, 167

Wood, General, 67, 192, 193

Woodcock, General, 18

Wytschaete, 285



Young, Lieutenant, V.C., 128

Ypres, 281, 283



Zandvoorde, 284, 285

Zonnebeke, 284




THE END



_Printed in Great Britain by_ R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, _Edinburgh_.



*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BRITISH CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE AND FLANDERS—JULY TO NOVEMBER, 1918 ***


    

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