The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Güegüence; A Comedy Ballet in the Nahuatl-Spanish Dialect of Nicaragua, Edited by Daniel G. Brinton

LIBRARY
OF
Aboriginal American
Literature.

No. III.

EDITED BY
D. G. BRINTON, M.D.

PHILADELPHIA:
1883.

PREFACE.

The play which is presented in this volume is the only specimen known to me of the native American comedy. It is of comparatively recent origin, and is composed in a mixed dialect, a jargon of low Spanish and corrupt Aztec (Nahuatl); but, both in its history and spirit, it bears so many marks of native composition, and is so characteristic of the sort of humor popular with the tribes from whom it was obtained, that it fairly merits a place in this series of publications.

The text was obtained in Nicaragua, by the late Dr. Carl Hermann Berendt. But no translation of any part of it and no notes upon it were found among his papers. The responsibility for the rendering rests, therefore, with myself. It has presented extreme difficulty, owing to the imperfect condition of the text, the deterioration of the Nahuatl words and forms, the antiquated and provincial senses of the Spanish words, and the obscure local references introduced. I would rather speak of my work as a loose paraphrase, aimed to give the general sense and humorous tone of the original, than as a faithful translation.

The text has been printed precisely as in the manuscript, even obvious errors in spelling and punctuation having been preserved. Suggestions with reference to these are made in the notes.

For assistance in translating the Spanish text, I would acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor Adolfo Pierra, of Philadelphia, and Dr. F. C. Valentine, of New York, both of whom have passed considerable periods in Central America.

CONTENTS.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

INTRODUCTION.

Among the outlying colonies of that important people whose chief seat was in the Valley of Mexico, and who are variously known as Aztecs, Mexicans or Nahuas, were several in Central America. "One of these," writes Mr. Squier, "occupied the principal islands in the Lake of Nicaragua, the narrow isthmus which intervenes between that lake and the Pacific, and probably a portion of the country to the southward, as far as the gulf of Nicoya. Their country was less than a hundred miles long, by twenty-five broad; yet here they preserved the same language and institutions, and practiced the same religious rites, with the people of the same stock who dwelt more than two thousand miles distant, on the plateau of Anahuac, from whom they were separated by numerous powerful nations, speaking different languages, and having distinct organizations."[1]

This Nahuatl tribe gave the name to the Province, Nicaragua, this being, according to some early authorities, the personal appellation of their chief at the epoch of their discovery, in 1522, and, according to others, their national name.[2] For no sufficient reasons, Mr. Squier applied to them the term Niquirans, and Dr. Berendt Nicaraos, but it seems better to retain, as distinctive for them, the name Nicaraguans, or, more specifically, "the Nahuas of Nicaragua." "Nicaragua" is [vi] undoubtedly a Nahuatl word, but, as the letter r is not found in that language, the precise original form is uncertain. Father Francisco Vasquez explained it as a compound of the Nahuatl nican, "here," and anahuacos, "here dwell those from Anahuac;"[3] or it may be from nican and nahua (plural form of nahuatl), "here dwell those speaking the Nahuatl tongue;" or, as a personal name of a chief, it may be ni calaquiya, "I entered into, or took possession."

How it happened that this fragment of the Aztec nation had become detached from the main body and resident so far from its central seat, has not been clearly explained. Mr. Squier and some others have maintained the hypothesis that the migration of all the Aztec tribes was from south to north, and that their scattered members in Central America were bands which had stopped on the road.[4] This opinion, however, is refuted by the evidence of language, and also by the unanimous traditions of the Aztecs themselves, both in Nicaragua and in Mexico.

The Nicaraguans had a very positive recollection that their ancestors came from Mexico, driven forth by scarcity of food, and that they wandered along the Pacific shore to the locality [vii] in which the Spaniards found them.[5] They remembered the names of their ancient home, or, rather, of their ancient kindred, and gave them as Ticomega and Maguateca, locating them toward the west ("hacia donde se pone el sol"). It is easy to recognize in these words the Aztec terminations signifying gens or tribe, mecatl and tecatl, which in the plural drop the tl. Nor can we be far wrong in identifying magua with the Aztec maque, upper, above, and tico with tiachcauh, elder brother, and in translating these names, the one as "the upper people," i. e., the dwellers on the lofty interior plateau, and "our elder brothers," i. e., the senior and ranking clans of their tribe, who remained in Anahuac.[6]

Besides these traditions, the Nicaraguans showed their close relationship to the Aztecs by a substantial identity of language, mythology, religious rites, calendars, manners and customs. We have, fortunately, an unusual mass of information about them, from an examination of their leading men by the chaplain Francisco de Bobadilla, in 1528, who took down their replies with as much accuracy as we could expect, and whose narrative has been preserved by the historian Oviedo. They also had retained a knowledge of the Mexican hieroglyphics, [viii] and wrote, in books of paper and parchment, their laws and ritual, their calendars and the boundaries of their lands.[7]

While this Aztec band thus acknowledged themselves to be intruders, such appears not to have been the case with their immediate neighbors to the northeast and southwest. These were of one blood and language, and called themselves mánkeme, rulers, masters, which the Spaniards corrupted into Mangues.[8] The invading Aztecs appear to have split this ancient tribe into two fractions, the one driven toward the south, about the Gulf of Nicoya, the other northward, on and near Lake Managua, and beyond it on Fonseca Bay.[9] Probably in memory of this victory, the Nicaraguans applied to them the opprobrious name Chololteca, "those driven out," from the Nahuatl verb choloa, and the suffix tecatl, which was corrupted by the Spanish to Chorotecas.[10]

The name does not by any means intimate that the Mangues came from Cholula in Mexico, as some ancient, and some [ix] modern, writers have hastily supposed;[11] nor is it a proof that they spoke an Aztec dialect, as Ternaux Compans has asserted.[12] So far is this from being the case, the Mangue has no sort of affinity with the Nahuatl, and must stand wholly asunder from it in the classification of American tongues. It has, indeed, a relative to the north, and a close one, the Chapanec or Chiapenec,[13] spoken by the inhabitants of three small villages in Chiapas, the largest of which has given its name to the province. These Chapanecs, by their traditions, still clearly remembered at the time of the Conquest, and preserved by the historian Remesal, migrated from Nicaragua to their more northern home. As they had no connection with the Aztecs, so, also, they were wholly without affinities with the great Maya stock, which extended far and wide over Central America, although the contrary has been recently stated.[14] In fact, among the five different languages which were spoken in the present province of Nicaragua at the time of the discovery, not one belonged to any branch of the Maya group.[15]

My present theme does not extend to a discussion of these various tongues, nor take me further into the ethnology of their locality. It has to do solely with these two nations, the Nicaraguans and the Mangues. The culture-level of the former was nearly as high as that found in the Valley of Mexico. They had a settled government, constructed edifices of stone, sculptured idols, utensils and ornaments out of the same material, were skilled in ceramics, deft in weaving cotton cloth and reed or grass mats, able in war, and thoughtful enough to puzzle their first European visitors with questions as to the stars and the earth, the beginning and the end of things.[16] Careful archaeologists in our own day have searched the territory they inhabited, and many museums contain specimens of what they accomplished in the direction of the arts, and testify to a respectable degree of intellectual advancement.[17]

We know less about the Mangues. They are mentioned as differing in religious rites from the Nicaraguans, and the impression is conveyed that they were in a more primitive condition, but yet with fair claims to be ranked among the cultivated nations of the new world. Among them, in fact, Dr. Berendt located one of the "centres of ancient American civilization," and considered the definite solution of their [xi] affiliations as one of the problems of the first order in the ethnology of America.[18] The Spanish historians relate that they had hieroglyphic books, like the Mexicans; that they were rather light in color, careful in dress, setting much store by their long hair, which they sedulously combed, and had an autocratic military government. Their country was thickly peopled, especially that portion of it between the lakes. The district of Managua was almost like a continuous town, so closely were the native houses placed together for nearly ten miles. In fact, it was called one city by the earliest explorers, and Oviedo, who takes pains to criticise these for their tendency to exaggeration, estimated the population of this limited district, at the time of the Conquest, at forty thousand souls.[19]

At present, scarcely any pure-blood remnants of either of these nations can be found, and both languages are practically extinct. When Mr. Squier visited Nicaragua, in 1850, he obtained, with great difficulty, a short vocabulary of the Nahuatl dialect, spoken on the island of Ometepec, in Lake Nicaragua; and, in 1874, Dr. Berendt, only at the cost of repeated efforts, succeeded in securing from a few survivors of advanced ages a moderately full collection of Mangue words and sentences.[20]

To illustrate the practical identity of the Nahuatl of Nicaragua with that of Anahuac, and the Mangue of Nicaragua with that of Chiapas, I will insert two short lists of common words with their equivalents in those four dialects. The first is from Mr. Squier's works above referred to, the second from the manuscripts of Dr. Berendt now in my possession.

It needs but a cursory glance at these lists to see that, while there is scarcely a dialectic difference between the two Nahuatl columns, and again between the two Mangue columns, there is absolutely no point of contact between Mangue and Nahuatl.

The chief differences between Nicaraguan and pure Nahuatl were, that the former changed the double consonant tl into t, or dropped it altogether; that the c, ch and q were confounded; that, in the conjugation, they dropped the prefix tla, which in pure Nahuatl is employed to indicate that the inanimate object of the verb is not expressed; that certain terminal consonants, as x, were dropped; and apparently that the sounds of s and r, not known to the tongue in its purity, were introduced.

The linguistic relations of the Mangue or Chapanec tongue have never been ascertained. I have compared it with the principal stocks in the northern continent, as well as with the great Tupi-Guarani stem, which has extensive affiliations in Central America, but without discovering any analogies of value. It does appear, however, to have a certain, though far from close, relationship to the Aymara tongue, spoken in the Peruvian Andes, and especially in the vicinity of Lake Titicaca, the celebrated site of a remarkable ancient civilization. The following list of common words seems to indicate this. The Aymara is taken from the dictionary of that tongue, by Father Ludovico Bertonio, while the dialects of the Mangue are discriminated by N, for Nicaraguan, and C, for Chapanec.

Comparison of the Mangue, or Chapanec, of Central America, with the Aymara, of Peru.

There are also various grammatical similarities between the two tongues. Both are highly synthetic; in both the division of nouns is "vitalistic," that is, into animate and inanimate; the numeral system is in both the decimal; in both the possessive pronoun follows the noun; both possess the inclusive and exclusive plural; and others could be mentioned.

It is known that the Aymara partakes largely of the elements of the Qquichua, and by some is classified merely as a dialect of that tongue. Such similarities as appear to exist between Mangue and Aymara are, however, less with the words and forms common to these two Peruvian idioms, but rather more with those wherein the Aymara differs from the Qquichua.

With the trenchant differences above indicated, between the Nahuatl and the Mangue, it is the more singular to observe how the Nahuatl obtained the preponderance. We may attribute this to the superior fighting power of the Aztec invaders; to the fact that many of the native allies of the Spanish could speak that tongue and not the Mangue; that the early missionaries came from Mexico; or, that the Nahuatl was promptly reduced to writing, while the Mangue was not; or to all these causes combined.[21] Certain it is, that at an early date a mixed dialect came into vogue, both in the Mangue districts of Nicaragua and elsewhere in Central America, composed of a broken-down Nahuatl and a corrupt Spanish, which, at first, served as a means of communication between the conquerors and their subjects, and later became, to some degree, the usual tongue of the latter. The Aztecs of pure blood spoke contemptuously of this jargon as in macehuallatolli, the language of slaves, and Father Carochi, writing little more than a century after the conquest, condemned [xvii] it as a hodge-podge of Spanish and Aztec, unintelligible in either tongue.[22]

This jargon was carried into the various nations who came into contact with the Spaniards and half-breeds, and hence we may find scattered words traceable to it in many of their tongues, and sometimes formulas of a religious, social or business character.[23] This is strikingly exemplified among the Mangues, and the fact is one of considerable interest in connection with the literary production which is the main topic of this volume. Even to a recent day, in remote haciendas of the Province of Masaya, among the descendants of the Mangues, the traveler might hear the grace before meals, and other short formulas of the Church, spoken in this mixed patois.

Here, no tecuase is the Nahuatl no tecuyotzin, Our Lord, and tunanse is for tonantzin, Our Lady, or Mother.

This Nahuatl-Spanish jargon became the lingua franca of large districts of Central America and Mexico. It was the current tongue of the half-breeds, and to this day is the patois of the muleteers who carry on the sparse commerce of the interior mountainous regions. Many of its Spanish elements are ungrammatical, and others are long since obsolete in the classical tongue. It is interlarded with words and whole phrases borrowed from the Aztec, but with such mutilations that they are scarcely, or not at all, recognizable. Words from other native languages have crept in, which adds to the difficulty of its lexicography. As for the construction, it became looser and looser, until, in some phrases, all inflectional elements disappear, and there is a naked juxtaposition of nominal and verbal roots, the relation of which must be guessed simply from their sequence.

Probably in none of the Spanish provinces has the Castilian suffered more from such admixture than in Nicaragua. The foreign words are there so numerous that the country patois becomes nearly unintelligible to one acquainted only with the Spanish of the Academy. Here is the verse of a song, for example, in that dialect, which will illustrate how far the amalgamation with the native tongues has gone. The words in italic are either Nahuatl or Mangue:—

"Casahuyano, mi amor,
Por vos esté payaneado.
No seas tilinte, mi bien."
"Se selegue, dueño amado."

"My love, between girlhood and womanhood,
My heart is breaking for you.
Do not be severe, my loved one."
"I am yet unripe, my beloved master."[24]

Another song, in which the lover expresses the strength of his devotion with more force than elegance, has the following verse:—

"O fuera yo carángano,
En tus cojines me metería
Para servirte todo el dia.
Te ama este zángano."

"Were I a little louse, I'd go
In your puffed and plaited hair;
With you all your toil I'd share;
This lazy fellow loves you so."

The carángano is the name of a species of louse, and the cojines are the little pads or cushions which women wear in their hair.

In this dialect several satirical and political songs have been composed, and, indeed, the licentiate Geronimo Perez, of Masaya, is stated to have printed in it a political pamphlet, which I regret not to have been able to obtain.

Such is the jargon in which the Güegüence is written, and although this medley of tongues can claim no position of dignity in the hierarchy of languages, it has its own peculiar points of interest, as illustrating the laws of the degradation—which is but another term for the evolution and progress—of human speech. To understand its origin and position as a literary effort, we must review the development of scenic representations in that part of the New World.

The historian, Fernandez de Oviedo, who was in Nicaragua in 1529, gives a long account of the dramatic representations, or rites, accompanied by songs, dances and masked actors, which he witnessed among the natives of both Nahuatl and Mangue lineage in that province. They took place at stated [xx] seasons, and at certain epochs in the year. The name which he gives as that by which they were locally known is mitote, which is the Aztec mitotl, a dance. He himself calls them areytos, a Haytian word from the Arawack aririn, to sing, and bailes, which is Spanish, from a classical root, and means dances.

One which he saw at Tecoatega, at that time a Nahuatl village, was celebrated at the close of the cacao harvest and in honor of the god of that plant. It offered a curious symbolism, which makes us keenly regret the absence of a full explanation by some learned native. In the centre of the village square a straight pole was set up about forty feet in height. On its summit was placed the image of the god, brilliantly colored, in a sitting position. Around the top of the pole a stout grass rope was tightly wound, its two free ends passing over a wooden platform.

When the ceremony began, about seventy men appeared, some dressed as women, some with masks and head-dresses of feathers, and all painted skillfully on the naked flesh to imitate handsome costumes. They danced in pairs, and sang in chorus certain songs, to the sound of the sacred drums. After about half an hour, two boys, who had been attached to the free ends of the rope, threw themselves from the platform into the air, in such a manner that they turned round and round the pole, unwinding the rope, and thus gradually descended toward the ground. One boy held in one hand a bow, in the other, some arrows; his companion held in one hand a fan or plume of feathers, in the other a mirror, such as the natives made of polished obsidian. As they descended, which, says the narrator, required about as long a time as one might repeat the Creed five or six times, the dancers ceased their song, and only the players on the instruments, some ten or a dozen in number, continued their noise. But, just as the boys, by the increasing length of the unwound cord, touched the soil, all present set up a great shout, and [xxi] the festival ceased.[25] The cut which I have inserted is taken from Oviedo's history, and represents the performance.

[xxii] To one familiar with Nahuatl symbolism, the meaning of this ceremony is, in a general way, obvious. The seated divinity on the summit of the pole represents the god of fertility throned in the heavens. The two boys are the messengers he sends to earth; the arrows refer to the lightnings which he hurls below; the feather fan typifies the breezes and the birds; the mirror, the waters and rains. After the mortals have prayed in chants, for a certain season, the god sends his messengers; men wait in suspense their arrival, whether it shall be for good or for ill hap; and as they reach the earth, a shout of joy is raised, for the food has ripened and been gathered in, and the harvest-home is ended.

In the same century the traveler Giralamo Benzoni, who visited Nicaragua about 1540, was much impressed with the native dances. At certain ones, as many as three or four thousand Indians assembled, some dancing, others playing on drums, while others, who formed the chorus, carried on the singing. The dancers displayed great agility, and practiced a large variety of figures. They were ornamented with feathers and plumes, and strings of shells were attached to their arms and legs.[26]

The Mangues of Chiapas, or the Chapanecs, near relatives, as we have seen, of the Mangues of Nicaragua, were famous in the days of Thomas Gage, the English priest, who traveled through Mexico and Nicaragua about 1630,[27] for their dexterity in games and the elaborate scenery of their dramatic representations. [xxiii] "As for acting of Plays," he says, "this is a common part of their solemn Pastimes."

This passion for scenic performances was by no means peculiar to these tribes. It extended throughout almost the whole of the Red Race, and there are many relics of it which have survived. The older authors refer to it frequently, and the early missionaries, finding that they could not extinguish it, sought to turn it to good account by substituting for the native plays, which were idolatrous or licentious, moral and instructive pieces. They encouraged the more intelligent natives and half-breeds to prepare such, and they were acted in connection with church festivals.

But it would be an error to suppose that these attempts succeeded completely in abolishing the older forms, or quenched entirely the tribal historical character of these ceremonies. Even within our own generation the contrary of this has been recognized by close observers. Thus the cura of Jutiapa, a town in Guatemala, Don Jose Antonio Urrutia, wrote, in 1856: "In most of the Indian towns the custom is still general of preserving a knowledge of great events in their history by means of representations, called bailes (dances), which are, in fact, dances in the public squares, on the days or evenings of great solemnities. It is most interesting for one who understands something of the language to participate in these bailes, as he can thereby obtain some knowledge of the most remote traditions and events in the history of the Indians."[28]

Confining our attention to the limits of Nicaragua, we find that the different bailes represented there within the memory of persons still living may be arranged in five different classes:—

Most of these have a religious purpose. Thus, it is still a common custom, in case of sickness or impending danger, to make a vow that, in case of escape, the person will dance before the image of some saint on a certain day, at a certain place, usually at a festival.[29] Such dances are sometimes accompanied with songs or chants of praise, or are performed in silence. The performer is usually masked or in costume.

It would be erroneous to suppose that there is much gaiety in their dances. At least, it is not apparent to foreign eyes. The music is monotonous and almost lugubrious, the singing is all in the minor key, and the motions are dull, mechanical and ungraceful. A European traveler has, indeed, characterized these spectacles rather as an exhibition of profound melancholy, than outbursts of merriment, and has instanced them as a proof of the psychical inferiority of the race![30]

Some of them, even to this day, as continued by the lower half-caste population, are accused of an indecency which may [xxv] be a reminiscence of ancient Indian religious rites;[31] for we know that the native Nicaraguans celebrated a festival strictly similar to that in ancient Babylon, so condemned by the prophet, during which every woman, of whatever class, had the right to yield her person to whom she would, without incurring blame or exciting jealousy.

The Logas seem to be peculiar to the Mangues. A small theatre is extemporized, music is provided, and the actor comes forward, arrayed in some odd garb, and recites a sort of poem, with gestures and dancing movements. The text of one of these was obtained at Namotivá by Dr. Berendt, and is in my possession. It is entitled, Loga del Niño Dios, and contains about two hundred lines. The language is a corrupt Spanish, with a number of Mangue words interspersed. The exordium reads—

The theme is an address to the patron saints and the infant Jesus, but the tone is that of a burlesque, rather than a serious composition. The costume of the orator, and his surroundings, the little theatre, the holy infant, etc., are represented in the frontispiece to this work, from a sketch taken from life.[32]

Frequently a number of persons join in the dance. Such is one, still occasionally seen, called Las Inditas, the Little Indian Girls. The period of its celebration is on the day of [xxvi] St. Jerome. The women are masked, and wear a loose mantle, a skirt with lace edging, a sash of rose color, and a hat with feathers. They carry bouquets and have a silk handkerchief fastened around the waist, the ends meeting over the hips. The men are in grotesque costumes, with ugly masks. They dance in couples, but without touching each other. The music is the marimba and the guitar. The songs usually turn on some matter of local interest.

Another favorite dance is the Baile de Chinegritos, celebrated by the Mangues. This name is applied to the masqueraders who take part in it. They wear a cap of black straw, and the body is naked to the waist, and painted. Each carries a stick or the dried yard of a bull, and in turn lifts a companion from the ground and strikes him with the whip. One, who keeps himself apart from the rest, is called the rucia, or yeguita, the mare. He is in a framework of cane adorned with women's skirts and colored handkerchiefs, supposed to represent some animal. There is no fixed day for the dance, but it is usually carried out in fulfillment of a vow. A variety of this baile, called Chinegritos à caballo, is performed by mounted actors, in brilliant costumes, with gaily caparisoned horses. They are accompanied by music, and draw up in front of a house, where they sing a song with a monotonous chorus, le-le-le-le-le-le-le-li-u.

The Baile de Negritos is celebrated on the festivals of St. James and St. Anna. The participants are on horseback, themselves and their steeds adorned with bright-colored sashes and garlands of flowers. They all wear the mosote, or black straw hat, from which this and the preceding dance derive their names.[33] The songs which they sing are called Ensaladas, salads or medleys, and usually contain personal allusions.

The Baile de Toro-Guaca, the Dance of the Graveyard [xxvii] Bull,[34] as it may be rendered, is presented on the festival of the Virgin, of St. Jerome, and other days, in accordance with a vow. It requires fourteen dancers and seventeen masqueraders. The "bull" is represented by a framework of reeds, surmounted by a pair of horns and gaily decorated.

Other such exhibitions are called the Baile de diablitos, Baile de la Yeguita, Baile de San Roman, Baile de San Martin, Baile del Toro y Venado, Baile del Mantudo (in which a desperado, with numerous chichiltes, small bells, appears), besides some representations of Bible scenes, as the combat between David and Goliath, etc.

Although most of these are accompanied by songs, and some by dialogues, they do not seem to reach to the height of a plot, or to the depicting of character or emotion. Beside them, however, and no doubt to take the place of original compositions of a similar kind, were complete dramatic creations.

Many of these were religious or historical plays, arranged by the clergy, and offer little of interest. But some were of a secular character, and appear to refer to historical events.

One was The Ollita or Cañahuate. It was acted in the Mangue tongue at Masaya as late as 1822, but the text is, unfortunately, lost. The Ollita is the name of the whistling jar, on which, and on the drum, a lugubrious musical accompaniment was played. The name Cañahuate is said to have been that of a dialect of the Mangue. The plot turned on a proposed marriage between an old man, richly dressed in Spanish garb, and a native princess. The chorus and assistants carried bows, arrows and quivers, which would seem to point to an early date as that of the supposed transaction.

The musical instruments of the natives of Nicaragua, mentioned by Oviedo, are drums, flutes of reeds, and excoletes, or trumpets. This, however, by no means exhausted the list, and several others of similar powers have been retained to the present day, and have been referred to by travelers as local curiosities. Thus, Mr. Squier writes as follows, in describing a festival in Leon de Nicaragua: "It is impossible to describe the strange instruments. One consisted of a large calabash, over which was stretched the skin of some animal; this, when pressed in, recoiled with a dull, sullen noise, like the suppressed bellow of a wild beast, and the wail of some of the long reeds was like that of a man in the agonies of a violent death."[35]

The memoranda that I have obtained from various sources enable me to supply this omission of the distinguished traveler, and to make out the following list, which probably is not exhaustive.

The most elaborate is the Marimba. Some writers say that both the name and instrument are of African derivation, having been introduced by the negroes. Others assert that the Indians have known the marimba time out of mind, and undoubtedly invented it. Certain it is, that they develop singular skill in its management.

A good description and illustration of it are given by von Tempsky, from whose work I extract them.[36]

"They [the Indians of Central America] are still very fond of dancing, and are very good musicians, performing on a peculiar instrument, a native invention of antique date, the Marimba. A long, horizontal stick supports a number of jicaras (or long, cylindrical calabashes), arranged near one [xxix] another, according to size, from two feet in depth to four or three inches. Over the mouth of each of them is drawn a thin piece of bladder, and over it, at the distance of a quarter of an inch, are flat pieces of a very hard wood, arranged like the claviature of a piano. These oblong pieces of wood are supported on a frame of light wood, joined to the long stick that supports the row of jicaras underneath. Two light legs sustain the little piano, partly on the ground, and a hoop connects it with the player, who sits within the hoop, pressing it on a bench.

"Two long drumsticks, with balls of India rubber at their heads, are in the hands of the player, who strikes double notes at every touch of the wooden claviature, with the resounding jicaras underneath. The sound of this instrument is charming, clear, limpid in its tones, like the intonation of a harp string of wire. The Indians produce the justest and sweetest double notes, and blend a rattling tune together in very [xxx] harmonious chords. Their talent for playing this instrument by ear is astonishing; in a day, they will pick up the most difficult air, and play it with a good deal of expression, accompanied with a chant of their own composition."

Instead of calabashes, earthen jars of various sizes are occasionally used to suspend beneath the key pieces; or, what in some districts is equally common, they are vertical tubes of cedar wood (Cedrela odorata). As described by the traveler Morelet, these tubes are twenty-two in number, all of equal diameter, varying in length from ten to forty centimeters, and forming three complete octaves without semitones.[37] In many of the bailes this is the favorite means of music, and it is often associated with the guitar.

That it was not unknown to the ancient Aztecs seems shown from the following drawing from an original Mexican painting in Duran's Historia, where the player does not appear to be striking a drum, but the keys of the marimba, or an instrument of that nature.

The Drum was, and remains, a favorite instrument in Central America. It is usually formed of a hollow piece of wood, which is struck with sticks. In Nicaragua, however, some of the natives use a short piece of bamboo, over the ends of which a skin is stretched. This is held in the left hand and struck with the tips of the fingers ot the knuckles of the right hand, keeping time to the chant or sone of the performer, while he throws himself into striking and extraordinary attitudes.

[xxxii] The illustration on the preceding page, from a sketch by Dr. Berendt, shows their manner of performing on this instrument.

These two varieties of drums were also known to the ancient Mexicans. They called the one which was struck with the hand the huehuetle, "ancient object," and that played by sticks, teponaztli.

The Ollita, or Little Jar, is an instrument still remembered in Nicaragua, and the drama, in the Mangue dialect, to which I have referred, bearing this name, proves that it was familiarly known at Managua early in this century. Its sound is described as grave and suitable to serious emotions. The identical ollita which was used in this drama was preserved long after the last performance of the play (about 1822), in the chest of the cofradia of San Jose, in Managua; but like so many other valuable relics, it disappeared in the disturbances of the republic.

From the name, and from what was told of its powers, it was evidently not merely a whistle, but a sort of earthenware flute. Such were known in Peru, and precisely in Nicaragua, on the island of Ometepec, inhabited at the Conquest by the Nahuas, such a musical jar was discovered of late years, and was examined and its musical capacity described by Dr. Berendt in the following words:—

"Held with the two hands, the lower side turned upward, and the four holes managed with two fingers on each side, blowing in the mouth piece yields six different notes. Any two holes covered give the tonica, one only covered the secunda, all open the tertia, and by hard blowing a forced quarta; while all closed produces the dominant (quint) in the underlying octave. Three holes closed yield notes not in concordance with the others, varying between an imperfect sext and a diminished septima of the lower octave. But [xxxiii] those mentioned as in accordance permit the playing of many varied tunes."

The shape of this jar is shown in the following cut, which was prepared for an interesting article on Indian Music by Mr. Edwin A. Barber, in the American Naturalist.

The Pito, or Whistle, was a simpler instrument than the Ollita. It, also, was frequently made of baked clay, and in odd shapes. The one shown in the following cut was found on the Island del Zapatero, in Lake Nicaragua, which was also a possession of the Nahuas.

[xxxv] Two apertures lead into the cavity of the instrument. When they are closed with the fingers, a higher note is produced than when they are open.

In the investigations prosecuted in Nicaragua by Dr. J. F. Bransford, he discovered many of these whistles in ancient burial mounds. Indeed, in the district of Nicoya, inhabited at the period of the Conquest by the Mangues, he states that "every body appeared to have been interred with a small earthen vessel and a whistle."[38] The latter are usually of odd shapes, representing some animal.

The long Flute, either of cane, or of earthenware, was found in common use by the early explorers in Central America, Mexico and Florida. The Nahuas of Nicaragua do not seem to have made so much use of it as their relatives in Mexico.

The Juco is employed in the noisier dances, such as the Baile de Diablitos. It is a drinking gourd (nambira), or jar, over the aperture of which is stretched a skin. This is crossed by a cord, to which is attached a small piece of wood, which serves as a clapper when the instrument is shaken.

[xxxvi] The Quijongo is a stringed instrument, made by fastening a wooden bow with a stretched cord over the mouth of a jar. A hollow reed, about five feet long and an inch and a half thick, is bent by a wire attached to the ends. This wire is then tied to the reed at one-third the distance from one end, and at the same point, on the convex surface of the reed, a gourd, or thin earthen jar, is fastened, with its mouth downward. The notes are produced by striking the two sections of wire with a light stick, and at the same time the opening of the jar is more or less closed by the palm of the left hand, thus producing a limited number of notes, which are varied by changing the intervals.

Among the Nahuatl tribes of the Balsam coast, this is called the Carimba. It appears to have been an aboriginal invention, although some writers have asserted that the Aztecs had no knowledge of any stringed instrument. Something like a harp, however, is represented in the following cut, from the Aztec funerary ritual, where a priest or hired mourner is shown, chanting the praise of the departed, and accompanying his words with music, on what appears to be a rude stringed instrument. (See page xxxvii.)

The Chilchil is a small bell, a number of which are strung together and shaken. This is an ancient Aztec instrument, the term for it in Nahuatl being Ayacachtli.

[xxxvii] The Cacho is a sort of trumpet, constructed of a horn. A blast upon it can be heard a long distance, and it has thus become a measure of length, a legua de cacho being the distance at which one can hear the horn when lustily blown. It is said to be rather longer than a Spanish league.

As to the value of the music which was obtained from these instruments, it is difficult to arrive at an opinion from capable judges. Nearly all who have been in a position to study the subject have lacked acquaintance with the scientific principles and developmental history of music as an art.

Hence it has usually been stated, and accepted without inquiry, that the aborigines of America were exceedingly deficient in musical ability, and that their best efforts rarely went beyond creating discordant noise. Late investigations by competent critics have disproved this opinion, and show that the melodies of the natives are in accordance with a recognized scale, though not that to which we are accustomed. For a parallel we must go back to the ancient Phrygian and Lydian measures, where we shall find a development of the art in a similar direction to that among the natives of this [xxxviii] continent.[39] As is remarked by Mr. A. S. Gatschet, "Although the Indian uses all the seven notes of our musical scales, he avoids many of our melodial sequences; the majority of his tunes follow the dur or sharp scales, and the two-eighths or two-fourths measure."[40]

In Central America, the native race has a keen musical sense. Von Tempsky found that they learned by ear, with great ease, the compositions of Bellini; and in Vera Paz and among the Lacandons, Morelet heard upon the Chirimoya, an aboriginal wind instrument, an air which he characterizes as "very remarkable" and "extremely touching." What brings this air into relation to my present theme is the singular fact that it was known as la Malinche, but Morelet could not learn from what connection.[41] Quite possibly it was from the character of that name in the play of Güegüence.

In the public bailes in ancient times, as we are informed by both Oviedo and Benzoni, the musicians were separated from the singers and other performers, forming an actual orchestra, and this is also intimated in the Güegüence. Having thus the position of a class by themselves, it may fairly be presumed that they cultivated with assiduity their peculiar art.

In later days, the cofradias, the brotherhoods and sisterhoods [xxxix] organized in connection with the churches, made it part of their business to learn singing and music, so as to take part in the celebration of church festivals. It was through these cofradias that the art of playing on the ancient instruments was preserved. By the loss of influence of the church at the separation of the colonies from the mother country, the cofradias were mostly dissolved.[42]

The music which accompanies the ballets in the Güegüence has been written down, and is familiar to many in Nicaragua. I have obtained a portion of it, through the obliging efforts of Dr. Earl Flint, of Rivas, an earnest cultivator in the field of archaeological research. The score appears, however, on examination by competent persons, to be probably of Spanish origin, and it would not be worth while to give more than a specimen of it. (See p. xl.)

Among the scenic representations which have been preserved by the descendants of the Mangues, in the ancient province of Masaya, the only one of length which has been committed to writing is the Baile del Güegüence, ô Macho-Raton. Several copies of this exist in manuscript, and from a comparison of two of them the late Dr. C. H. Berendt obtained, in 1874, the text which is printed in this volume. But he did not obtain, nor did he attempt himself, any translation of any portion of it. He states, positively, that the Nahuatl parts are not understood by the natives themselves at the present day. Its antiquity and authorship are alike unknown. It is certain that it was acted before the beginning of the present century, but with this single fact its external history ceases.

Within the memory of those now living, this Baile has occasionally been acted in fulfillment of a religious vow pronounced in some emergency of life or affairs. The period selected for its performance is, usually, at the festival of St. Jerome, September 30th. The preparations for it are elaborate and expensive. In former times the rehearsals took place daily, sometimes for as much as six or eight months before the public performance. The actors provided their own costumes, which required a considerable outlay. There were, however, always plenty of applicants, as it was not only considered an honor to take part, but also, the patron or patroness of the festival, who had pledged himself to give the drama, was expected to furnish refreshments, in the way of food and drink, at each rehearsal. As the appetites were usually keen, and the libations liberal, it was almost ruinous for one of moderate means to undertake it. For that reason, as Dr. Earl Flint writes me, it has now been dropped, and will probably not again be brought out, at least, in full.

How far beyond the close of the last century we should [xlii] place the composition of the Güegüence is a difficult question. Dr. Berendt, basing his opinion on what he could learn by local tradition, on the archaisms of the Spanish construction, and on other internal evidence, referred it in general terms to the first periods (los primeros siglos) of the Spanish occupation. It is probable that we may assign the early portion of the eighteenth century as the latest date for its composition, and there is some evidence, which I shall refer to in the notes to the text, that a more remote period is not improbable. Of course, it does not contradict this that a few modern expressions have crept into the text. Nothing else could be expected.

No hint as to the author is anywhere found. There are, however, reasons which I consider weighty ones, to believe that it is the production either of a native Indian or a half-caste. Several of them are of a negative character, and I will give these first.

All the dramas, so far as I know, which were introduced by the Spanish priests as substitutes for the native bailes, are either religious or instructive in aim. As the Germans say, they are strongly tendenciös. Such are the Baile de St. Martin, which gives scenes from the life of the saint, and in which a wheel, called the horquilla, covered with feathers and flowers, is drawn along; the Baile de los Cinco Pares de Francia, which sets forth the conquest of the infidel Moors by the Christians, both of which plays have been popular in Nicaragua; among the Kekchis, of Coban, the Baile de Moros y Cristianos, similar to the last mentioned; the Zaki-Koxol, ô Baile de Cortes, in Kiche, a copy of which I have, and the like. But in the Güegüence there is absolutely no moral purpose nor religious tone; so much, indeed, of the reverse, that we cannot conceive of its introduction by a priest.

On the other hand, had it been composed by a secular Spanish writer, we should hardly fail to find it, in a general way, modeled after the stock Spanish comedy. It differs, [xliii] however, in several striking and fundamental features, from the Spanish models, and these differences are precisely those which would flow from the native habits of thought. I would note, first, that while females are introduced, they are strictly mutæ personæ, even the heroine not speaking a word; that there are no monologues nor soliloquies; that there is no separation into scenes, the action being continuous throughout; that there is neither prologue, epilogue nor chorus; and especially that the wearisome repetition of the same phrases, and by one speaker of what a previous one has said—a marked characteristic of the native scenic orations [43]—are all traits which we can scarcely believe any Spaniard sufficiently cultivated to write at all, would exhibit.

Furthermore, the "business" of the play is strictly within the range of the native thought and emotion. The admiration of the coarse cunning and impudent knavery of Güegüence is precisely what we see in the modern camp-fire tales of Michabo among the Algonkins, of Tezcatlipoca among the Aztecs, and of a score of other heroes. It is of a piece with the delight which our own ancestors derived from the trickeries of Reynard the Fox.

The devices for exciting laughter are scarcely more than three in number; one the assumed deafness of the Güegüence, the second, a consequence of this, that he misunderstands, or pretends to, the words of the other actors, thus giving rise to amusing quid-pro-quos, and third, the introduction of obscene references. Of course, I am aware that these are the stock resources of many European low comedians; but I also consider it a fact of very considerable importance in deciding the probable authorship of the play, that all of these, especially the first two, are prominently mentioned by old authors, [xliv] as leading devices of the native Nahuatl comedies. Thus, Benzoni and Coreal tell us that in the bailes in Nicaragua, which they witnessed, some of the actors pretended to be deaf, and others to be blind, so as to excite laughter by their mistakes.[44] And Father Diego Duran tells us of a native Mexican comedy, upon which this of Güegüence may, perhaps, have been founded, full of songs and coarse jests,[45] in which the clown pretends to understand at cross purposes what his master orders, transforming his words into others like them. As to the general leaning to indecent gestures and jokes, it is frequently commented on by the missionaries, and given as a reason for discountenancing these exhibitions.

The absence of all reference to the emotions of love, and the naive coarseness indicated in the passages about women, point rather to a native than a European hand. They are in remarkable contrast to the Spanish school of comedy.[46] The neglect of common rules of Spanish construction seems to arise from the ignorance of one imperfectly acquainted with the language, rather than of deliberate purpose. It must also be remembered that this piece was one acted altogether by the native Indians, and not by the Spanish population.

[xlv] Nor are we without examples of persons of native lineage preparing comedies for their fellows. About 1625, Bartholome de Alva, a descendant of the native kings of Tezcuco, wrote three comedies, in Nahuatl, drawing his plots from Lope de Vega. It is quite as likely that another Alva rose from the Nahuas of Nicaragua, and prepared for their amusement the production I now present.

The central figure of the drama, and the personage from whom it derives its name, is The Güegüence. This is a Nahuatl word, from the root hue, old; huehue is "old man;" to this is added what grammarians call the "reverencial" termination tzin, denoting reverence or affection, and we have, intercalating the euphonic n, huehuentzin, which, in the vocative, becomes huehuentzé. It means, therefore, "the honored elder," or "the dear old man," and may be used, as it is in the play, either as a proper name or as a common noun. In his description of the Nahuas of Nicaragua, Oviedo gives the word huehue, and tells us that it was applied to certain old men of influential position, who were elected by the natives as rulers of the villages, and that they in turn selected the war-chief, whose duty it was to look to the defence of the community. The name was, therefore, one familiar to the Nicaraguans, though the character would seem to be drawn as a burlesque or satire.

He is, in fact, anything but a respectable person. His indifference to truth, his cynical impudence, his licentious jokes about and before his sons, and the unscrupulous tricks of which he boasts, are calculated to detract from the element of the comic in his portraiture, for those who have been accustomed to the higher productions of humor. But it would be an error to allow this sentiment to affect much our estimate [xlvi] of the influence of the play. As Lessing very well observes, the true value of comedy is to train us to see the ridiculous and the absurd, wherever it is, in flagitious as well as in merely inconsiderate actions, as thus the observer is prompted to morality as well as forethought.[47]

As I have said, his character is a marked type of the peculiar form of humor which the native mind preferred, and of the class of actions in which it especially found amusement, to wit, in that jocularity which is assumed to deceive and get the better of one's neighbor. This is strikingly shown by the number of words in the Nicaraguan patois which express such actions. Thus, chamarrear is to take advantage of some one by a joke; trisca is a conversation in which some one is made ridiculous; féfere is an idle tale with which a hearer is cajoled; dar un caritazo is to deceive a person by a trick, etc. This is the humor in the Güegüence. The old man nearly always has a selfish aim to gain by his jokes and his stories; they are intended to further his own interests, and, at the close of the play, he, on the whole, comes out victorious by these questionable measures.

As the drama was formerly represented, the Güegüence wore the most magnificent apparel of any of the actors. Chains of gold, strings of silver coins, and ornaments of steel draped his person. Indeed, all the participants vied with each other in extravagant costumes. Their garments were fantastically adorned with feathers and flowers, and set off with sashes and handkerchiefs of brilliant colors.

The two sons of Güegüence, Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio, are drawn in as strong contrast as possible. The former follows [xlvii] the paternal example faithfully, and sustains his parent in all his tricks and lies; the latter as invariably opposes and exposes the old man's dishonesty. The bitter words which pass between them, however, must not be taken in dead earnest; they, too, are only half serious, and do not lead to any separation of interests.

The Governor Tastuanes appears on the scene in Spanish costume, with a staff and sabre. His name, however, seems to be from the Nahuatl, probably a corruption of tlatoani, chief, lord.[48] He is little more than a lay figure, designed to draw forth the ruses of Güegüence.

The Alguacil, the Secretary and Registrar appear in what is supposed to be full official dress, with their staffs of office.

The mutæ personæ of the drama are the women and the machos, or mules. Of the former, only one is named, the lady Suchi-Malinche, daughter of the Governor. She enters clothed in a sort of tunic, fastened to her person with gay silken sashes; chains of gold and costly jewels adorn her garments, and a wreath of flowers crowns her hair. The latter may be a reference to her name. Suchi is a corruption of the Nahuatl xochitl, flower; Malinche, it may be remembered, was the name of the famous Indian girl who served Cortes as interpreter in his first campaign in Mexico, and became his mistress. Some have supposed that it was a corruption of the Spanish Christian name Marina, but, as Señor Icazbalceta has conclusively shown, it is the name of one of the days of the Aztec month, malinalli, with the termination tzin, signifying affection. It was the custom in Mexico and Central America, and still is in many parts, for the natives [xlviii] to name their children after the day on which they were born, led thereto by certain ancient astrological notions.[49] In Nicaragua, malinche is also the name of a tree, a species of Poinciana, which bears a handsome red flower.

The Machos, or mules, are twelve or more in number. They give the second title to the piece, El Macho raton, an appropriate translation of which I am at a loss to give. Literally it means "The Male Mouse." As used at present, it signifies a masker, or masquerading dress. An acquaintance, who has lived in Nicaragua, tells me that he has heard the children call out: "See, there goes the Macho-raton," which would prove to be an Indian in a fantastic costume. In the play, they wear heads of skins, imitating those of mules, surmounted with horns of goats, and a petaca, or wicker basket frame draped with sashes, etc. In their hands they carry bells.

Among the ancient Nahuas, and probably to this day, there were various curious superstitions relating to mice. If they gnawed a hole in the dress of a wife, her husband took it as a sign that she had been unfaithful to him; and she entertained the same suspicion were his garments attacked. When food was attacked by mice, it indicated that the people of the house would be falsely accused of something.[50]

The Governor and the Alguacil meet and enter into conversation. The Governor directs that the [xlix] songs and dances which are for the diversion of the Royal Council should cease, and bewails its poverty. He also directs that no one shall be allowed to enter his province (or presence?) without a permit from the patrol. The Alguacil complains that their poverty is so great that they have no fit clothing, and lays the blame on Güegüence. The Governor refers to Güegüence in severe terms, and orders that he be brought before him, by any means.

Güegüence, who with his two sons is within earshot, hears the Governor's orders, and pretends to think that it refers to a calf or a colt.

The Alguacil announces himself as a servant of the Governor. Güegüence professes to understand that it is a female servant who desires to see him. The Alguacil corrects him in this, and informs him that he is to fly to the Governor. Güegüence takes the word in its literal sense, and chaffs about an old man flying. The Alguacil suggests to him that he had better learn how to salute the Governor properly on entering his presence, and offers to teach him the customary salutation for a consideration. This proposal Güegüence accepts, but chooses to misunderstand the considerations suggested by the Alguacil, and replies in a series of quid-pro-quos and gibes. At last, he produces some money, which, however, he will not pay over until the Alguacil gives the promised instruction. The Alguacil recites the formal salutations, which Güegüence pretends to misunderstand, and repeats, instead, some phrases of similar sound, which are discourteous to the Governor. For this the Alguacil threatens to whip him, and on Güegüence continuing in his taunts, gives him two blows, and recommences his lesson.

At this juncture the Governor appears, answers Güegüence's salute, and asks him why he has entered the province without a permit. At first Güegüence answers by relating how he had traveled without a permit in other provinces. Finding this does not meet the case, he seeks to turn the inquiry by a dubious story how a girl once gave him a permit for something besides traveling. The Governor, not choosing to be put off with this, Güegüence proposes they shall be friends, and that the Governor shall have some of the immense riches and beautiful clothing which Güegüence possesses. The Governor expresses some doubt as to this wealth, and proposes to examine, apart, Güegüence's oldest son, Don Forcico.

He does so; and Don Forcico corroborates, in the most emphatic terms, the statements of his father: "the day and the night are too short to name all his possessions."

The Governor remains, however, uncertain about the truth, and requests a similar private talk with Güegüence's younger son, Don Ambrosio. The latter tells a very different story, asserting that all his father's boasts were lies, and that he is, in fact, a poor, old, thieving ragamuffin. Güegüence, who overhears him, rails at him as a disgrace to the family; and Don Forcico assures the Governor, in very clear terms, that Don Ambrosio has none of Güegüence's blood in his veins.

To settle the question, Güegüence proposes to show the Governor the contents of his tent-shop, and has the two boys bring it forward and raise the sides. He then offers the Governor several impossible things, as a star, which is seen through the tent, and an old syringe, which he suggests might be profitably applied to the Royal Council. As [li] the Governor replies roughly, Geügüence at once changes the subject to a laudation of the remarkable skill of Don Forcico in many vocations. The Governor is interested and proposes to inquire of Don Forcico himself as to the truth of this. The latter repeats the boasts, and on the Governor inquiring as to whether he knows some diverting dances, with his father and his brother, he dances a ballet.

The Governor wishes to see another ballet, which the three perform, also; and this is followed by two others, in which the Governor and Alguacil also take part.

Following these the Governor asks for the masquerade of the macho-raton, or the mules. They are led in by Don Forcico, and march around the stage. Güegüence avails himself of this auspicious moment to ask for the hand of the Lady Suche-Malinche, the Governor's daughter. The Governor sends the Alguacil for the Chief Secretary, who returns with Suche-Malinche and other young women. The Secretary describes what an elegant costume is expected of the son-in-law of the Governor, and the latter suggests that Güegüence has cast his eyes too high. The old man explains that it was not for himself, but for Don Forcico, that the request was made, and pretends to feel quite badly about the marriage. He, nevertheless, brings up the young women, one by one, who are rejected by Don Forcico, with very uncomplimentary remarks, until Suche-Malinche comes forward, who pleases him, and with whom he is married. The Governor then suggests that Güegüence treat the Council with some Spanish wine. This the old man does not find it convenient to understand, and when he can no longer escape, and is at a loss where to obtain the liquor, is [lii] relieved by Don Forcico, who has secured it in a questionable manner.

The mules, that is, the masqueraders who represent them, are then brought up, and as Güegüence examines first one and then another, they give him opportunity for a series of extremely broad jokes and vulgar allusions.

Finally, the loads are placed on the mules, the boys mount them and move off, while Güegüence, having offered his wine to the Governor, the Secretary, the Registrar and the Alguacil, who each in turn tell him to be off, leaves the stage shouting to his sons that they will all have a rouse that will cost them nothing.

THE GÜEGÜENCE.

BAILE DEL GÜEGÜENCE

MACHO-RATON.

EL GOBERNADOR TASTUANES.
EL ALGUACIL MAYOR.
EL GÜEGÜENCE.
DON FORCICO.
DON AMBROSIO.
DOÑA SUCHI-MALINCHE.
EL ESCRIBANO REAL.
EL REGIDOR DE CANA.

THE
BALLET OF THE GÜEGÜENCE;

THE MACHO-RATON.

THE GOVERNOR TASTUANES.
THE CHIEF ALGUACIL.
THE GÜEGÜENCE.
DON FORCICO, HIS ELDER SON.
DON AMBROSIO, HIS YOUNGER SON.
THE LADY SUCHI-MALINCHE.
THE ROYAL SECRETARY.
THE REGISTRAR.

BAILE DEL GÜEGÜENCE.

Matateco Dio miscuales quilis no pilce Capitan Alguacil Mayor: no pilces simocague campamento Señores principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua linar mo Cabildo Real. En primer lugar tecetales seno mesa de oro, seno carpeta de bordado, seno tintero de oro, seno pluma de oro, seno salvadera de oro, y no mas hemo papel blanco y paltechua sentar mo Cabildo Real.

THE COMEDY-BALLET OF GÜEGÜENCE.

Gov. I pray God to prosper you, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil: my son, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such pleasant matters of amusement to the Royal Court. It is a great shame that we have no golden table, no embroidered table-cloth, no golden inkstand, no pen of gold, no golden sand-box, not even white paper, and such like suitable things, for a session of the Royal Court.

Ya lichua linar mo Cabildo Real. En primer lugar tecetales seno mesa de oro, seno carpeta de bordado, seno tintero de oro, seno pluma de oro, seno salvadera de oro, no mas hemo papel blanco y paltechua sentar mo Cabildo Real.

No pilces Cap^{^n} Alg^{^l} M^or simocagüe campamento Sres. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua seno la ronda quinquimagua licencia galagua no provincia real.

Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Srs. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua seno la ronda del Señor Gobernador Tastuanes.

Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, ya nemo niqui nistipampa, ya nemo niqui samo la ronda, son rastros y pedazos de cinchones rompidos de corage, sombrero de Castor rompido de corage, no mas hemo mantera de revoso, no mas hemo capotin colorado á sones panegua sesule Güegüence, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

No pilces Capⁿ Alg^l M^or asamatimaguas consentidor, afrentador, ticino mo Cabildo Real.

Alg. Something to amuse the Royal Court. It is a great shame that we have no golden table, no embroidered table-cloth, no golden inkstand, no pen of gold, no golden sand-box, not even white paper, and such like suitable things, for a session of the Royal Court.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such matters, unless the patrol gives a permit to enter my royal province [for that purpose].

Alg. Yours to command, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect you. The leading men [shall give no] music, dances, songs, ballets, and such things, without [the permission of] the patrol of Governor Tastuanes.

Alg. Governor Tastuanes, I am here, as is proper, but the patrol is not; their girdles are in rags and tatters, and their hats smashed in from their frays, and we have not a single saddle cloth or red cloak better, perhaps, than that good-for-nothing Güegüence, Governor Tastuanes.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, you must bring that pimp, that impudent fellow, that charlatan, before the Royal Court.

No pilces Capⁿ Alg^l M^or simocagüe campamento Sres. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechúa sesule Güegüence, ó de la cola, ó de las piernas, ó de las narices, ó de onde Dios te ayudare, Capⁿ Alg^l M^or.

¡Ha muchachos, güil ternero, (ó) güil potro para quichuas rebiatar de la cola, ó de las piernas, ó de las narices?

Como no, mala casta, saca fiestas sin vigilias en los dias de trabajos. Ora quien vá, quien quiere saber de mi nombre?

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such things, [and bring] that good-for-nothing Güegüence, either by the tail, or the legs, or the nose, or by whatever God will help you [to bring him], Captain Chief Alguacil.

Alg. At your service, Governor Tastuanes, the music, dances, songs, ballets [will be suspended].

Güegüence. Ho, boys! is it a calf or is it a colt that is to be tied behind by the tail, or the legs, or the nose?

Güe. Why not, you bad breed, you lazy loafer on working days? Who is it now who wants to know my name?

Como que criada, güil chocolatera, ó güil lavandera, ó componedera de la ropa del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes?

Pues que criada, güil cocinera ó güil componedora del plato del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes?

Asuyungua me negua, no me cele componedora del plato, Capitan Alguacil Mayor del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Ha! Capⁿ Alg^l M^or del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes: O amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, asa campamento insigna vara?

Corriendo y volando? Como quiere que corra y vuela un pobre viejo, lleno de dolores y continuas calamidades?

Güe. What sort of a servant-girl is it, the chocolate maker, the washwoman, or the clothes patcher of the Governor Tastuanes?

Alg. Let me disclose myself; I have nothing to do with the grub-fixer; I am the Captain Chief Alguacil of the Governor Tastuanes.

Güe. Ha! Captain Chief Alguacil of the Governor Tastuanes! O friend Captain Chief Alguacil of the Governor Tastuanes, your official staff is perhaps at your quarters?

Güe. A-running and a-flying? How does he expect a poor old man, full of pains and aches, to run and

Amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or y un silguero que está en la portada del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, que es lo que hace?

Ese es mi consuelo y mi divertimiento. Amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or con que corriendo y volando?

Ese será, muchachos. Pues ten cuenta con la bodega, que voi á ver si puedo volar.

Ha, Güegüence, con que modo y con que cortecilla te calas, qui provincia real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes?

Primero ha de ser un velancico, y paltechúa consolar el Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

fly? Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, and a linnet that reaches the door of Governor Tastuanes, what does it do there?

Güe. That is my consolation and delight. Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, how about this running and flying?

Güe. That may be, boys. Well, then, look after the shop, and I will go and see if I can fly.

Alg. Ho, Güegüence! in what style, and with what etiquette, are you going to enter the royal presence of the Governor Tastuanes?

Alg. First, there should be a song, and such like, to amuse the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes.

Velancico, amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, pues simocagüe campamento Sres. principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua consolar mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Mascamayagua Güegüence. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres principales sones, mudanzas, velancicos necana y paltechua sesule Güegüence.

En el paraje. Pues, amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, no me enseñará con que modo y con que cortecilla he de entrar y salir ante la presencia real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes?

Güe. A song, friend Captain Chief Alguacil; then suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such things, to amuse the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes.

Alg. At your service, Güegüence. I pray God to protect the leading men [and they will suspend] the music, dances, songs, ballets, and such like, for this good-for-nothing Güegüence.

Güe. At the place. Now, friend Captain Chief Alguacil, won't you teach me with what style, and with what etiquette, I ought to go in and come out of the royal presence of the Governor Tastuanes?

Como no! mala casta, ojos de sapo muerto! Amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, ya estamos desaviados de los pescados salados.

Pues, amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, ya estamos aviados de platos. Y como de que platos quiere? de la china, ó de barro?

Don Amb. What nets of salted fish do you pretend to have, Güegüence, you old humbug?

Güe. Why not, you bad breed, you evil-eyed brat? Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, we are just now out of salted fish.

Güe. Well, then, Captain Chief Alguacil, we are supplied with plates. What kind of plates do you want, china plates or earthen plates?

Ha! Quesos duros de aquellos grandotes. A, muchachos, ahi estan los quesos duros que trajimos de sobornal?

Como no, mala casta, despues que te los has comido. Amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, ya estamos desaviados de los quesos duros, porque ahi traigo un muchacho tan ganzo, que no me deja nada.

Pues dobla, muchachos, Dios persogue á mi amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, que ahora endenantes estuvimos tratando y contratando con el, y ya se lo llevó una bola de fuego á mi amigo.

Güe. Ha! hard cheeses; those big ones. Ho, boys! have we those hard cheeses which we brought along as extras?

Don Am. What hard cheeses do you pretend to have, Güegüence, you old humbug?

Güe. Why not, you bad breed, since you ate them up? Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, we are just now out of hard cheeses, because I have a boy here who is such a hog that he leaves me nothing.

Güe. Well, then, toll away, boys, for God has got after my friend the Captain Chief Alguacil, with whom we were talking and bargaining a moment ago, and has carried off my friend in a ball of fire.

Doblones de oro y de plata! Pues hableme recio, que como soi viejo y sordo, no oigo lo que me dicen; y por esas tierras adentro no se entiende de redes de platos, ni de pescados salados, ni de quesos duros, ni de dobles, sino onzas de oro y moneda de plata. Y, vamos, ¿cuanto quiere?

Güe. Doubloons of gold and silver! Then speak loud, for I am old and deaf; and in these inland places people know nothing of nets of plates, and of salted fish, nor about hard cheeses, nor about tolls, but only about ounces of gold and coins of silver. Well, let us come to it, how much do you want?

Pues, ponga las manos: y las dos manos pone el hambriento, y que buenas uñas se tiene mi amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, parecen de perico-ligero! a! una bomba caliente para estas uñas!

Pues, tome! Uno, dos, tres, cuatro. Ha! mi plata, muchachos! Cuatro cientos y tantos pesos le he dado á mi amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or—Vd., amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, no sabe cual es real, ni cual es medio.

La mitad de este medio hacen dos cuartillos; un cuartillo dos octavos, un octavo dos cuartos, un cuarto dos maravedis, cada maravedi dos blancos.

Güe. Then put out your hands, and let this hungry fellow put out both his hands; and my! what fine nails has my friend, the Captain Chief Alguacil! They are like those of a scratching monkey! Ho, there! a hot shot for these nails!

Güe. Well, here then [shows four coins]. One, two, three, four. Ha! my money, boys! Four hundred and some odd dollars I have given to my friend, the Captain Chief Alguacil. But you, friend Captain Chief Alguacil, you don't know a real from a half a one.

Güe. The half of this half real makes two cuartillos; a cuartillo is two octavos; an octavo is two quartos; a quarto is two maravedis; and each maravedi is two blancos.

Docena de cueros? Ha, muchachos, nos faltan reatas ó cobijones. Aqui el amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or nos ofrece una docena de cueros.

Arra ya, con que bueno, despues de pagado me has azotado; esos no son cueros, esos son azotes.

Matateco Dio mispiales Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, quinimente motales, quinimente moseguan, Alcaldes ordinarios de la Sta. hermandad, regidores y notarios y depositarios.

Güe. Ho, boys! do we need some lines or covers? Our friend here, the Captain Chief Alguacil, offers us a dozen hides.

Güe. How about those hides, friend Captain Chief Alguacil, are they green or dressed?

Güe. Get out! what right have you to beat me when I have paid? These are not hides, they are blows.

Alg. I pray God to protect the Governor Tastuanes, those who carry his messages and transact his business, the regular alcaldes of the Holy Brotherhood, the registrars,

Amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, si de balde le he dado mi dinero, si estos son mis lenguajes asonesepa negualigua seno libro de romance, lichúa rezar escataci, iscala ñonguan iscumbatasi à campaneme Tastuanes?

Ya nemo niqui nistipampa quinimente moseguan. Alcaldes ordinarios de la Santa hermandad, regidores y notarios (y) depositarios(.) Eguam noche mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

notaries and archivists, [by day] and night, in the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes.

Güe. Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, I have given my money for nothing, if these are to be my words; and shall I not bargain for a book in Spanish, to read these prayers out of when I come before Tastuanes?

Güe. If anywhere, friend Captain Chief Alguacil—[The Governor enters abruptly.] I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes.

Güe. I am here, as is proper, [and I pray God to protect] those who transact the business, the regular alcaldes of the Holy Brotherhood, the registrars, notaries and archivists, [by day] and night, in the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes.

Gov. Well, Güegüence, who has given you a permit to enter this royal province.

anduve por esas tierras adentro, por la carrera de Mexico, por la Veracruz, por la Vera Paz, por Antepeque, arriando mi recua, guia muchachos, opa Don Forcico llega donde un mesonero tupile traiga una docena de huevos, vamos comiendo y descargando y vuelto á cargar, y me voy de paso, y no es menester licencia para ello, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, viniendo yo por una calle derecha me columbró una niña que estaba sentada en una ventana de oro, y me dice: que galan el Güegüence, que bizarro el Güegüence, aqui tienes bodega, Güegüence, entra, Güegüence, siéntato, Güegüence, aqui hay dulce, Güegüence, aqui hay limon. Y como soy un hombre tan gracejo, salté á la calle con un cabriolé, que con sus adornos no se distinguia de lo que era, lleno de plata y oro hasta el suelo, y así una niña me dió licencia, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

O valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, no seremos guancos, no seremos amigos, y seremos de sones sepanegaligua, no fardesia de ropa; en primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, ropa de Castilla, ropa de contrabando, güipil de pecho, güipil de pluma, medias de seda, zapatos de oro, sombrero de castor, estriberas de

was traveling up country, on the road to Mexico, through Vera Cruz, and Vera Paz, and Antepeque, driving my mules, leading my boys, twice Don Forcico comes across a constable innkeeper who brings us a dozen eggs; and we go on eating and unloading, and we load up again, and I go right along, and there is no need of a permit for it, Governor Tastuanes.

Güe. God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, as I was coming up a straight street, a girl who was sitting in a golden window descried me, and says to me: "What a fine fellow is Güegüence; how gallant is Güegüence; here's the shop for you, Güegüence; come in, Güegüence; sit down, Güegüence; there's sweatmeats here, Güegüence; there's a lemon here." And, as I am such a funny fellow, I jumped off, with my riding cloak on, so full of ornaments that you could not tell what it was, covered with gold and silver to the ground; and that's the way a girl gave me a permit, Governor Tastuanes.

Güe. O! God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, we won't be fools; no, we will be friends, and we will bargain about my packs of goods. In the first place, chests of gold, chests of silver, cloth of Spain, cloth from smugglers, vests, feather skirts, silk stockings, golden shoes, beaver

Pachigüete no pachigüete, Güegüence, asamatimagas, (a sones) se palparesia motel polluse D. Forcico y D. Ambrosio timaguas y verdad, tin riquezas y hermosuras tumile mo Cabildo Real.

Pues si cana amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, simocagüe nistipampa, Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana, y palparesia D. Forcico timaguas y verdad, tin hermosura, tin bellezas tumiles mo Cabildo Real.

No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia D. Forcico timagas y verdad, tin hermosura, tin belleza tumile mo Cabildo Real.

Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia D. Forcico timaguas y verdad.

hats, stirrup straps of gold and silver lace, as may satisfy the clever Governor Tastuanes.

Gov. No, I am not satisfied with what you say, Güegüence. Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio must give a truthful account to our Royal Court, whether you have riches and abundant treasures.

Güe. Then, if friend Captain Chief Alguacil will suspend, in my presence, the music, dances, songs and ballets of the leading men, Don Forcico will give a truthful account to the Royal Court about my riches and abundant treasures.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and ballets, and Don Forcico will give a truthful account to the Royal Court about their riches and abundant treasures.

Alg. At your service, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect the leading men, and [they suspend] the music, dances, songs and ballets, and Don Forcico will give a truthful account.

Ya nemo niqui nistipampa, quinimente motales, quinimentes moseguan, Alcaldes ordinarios de la Sta. hermandad, regidores, notarios y depositarios. Eguan noche mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Pues, Don Forcico asamatimaguas semo verdad a sones sepaguala motalce Güegüence quichua contar güil hombre rico, tin riquezas, tin hermosura, tin belleza, en primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, doblones de oro, monedas de plata, hay me sagua Don Forcico.

O valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, es corto el dia y la noche para contar las riquezas de mi padre; en primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, ropa de Castilla, ropa de contrabando, estriberas de lazo de oro y de plata, ya pachigüe muyule Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Pachigüete no pachigüete pues, Don Forcico, á sones se palparesia tu hermanito Don Ambrosio timaguas y verdad tin riquezas y hermosuras tumiles mo Cabildo real.

Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, sicana amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, mayague campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia mi hermanito Don Ambrosio timaguas y verdad.

Don For. I am here, as is proper, [and I pray God to protect] those who carry the messages, those who transact the business, the regular alcaldes of the Holy Brotherhood, the registrars, notaries and archivists, [by day] and night, in the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes.

Gov. Well, Don Forcico, you are to tell me the truth about the stories which Güegüence tells, saying that he is a rich man, and has property, and handsome and beautiful things; in the first place, chests of gold, chests of silver, doubloons of gold, coins of silver; so tell me clearly, Don Forcico.

Don For. O! God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, the day and the night are too short to tell you all the riches of my father. In the first place, chests of gold, chests of silver, cloth of Spain, cloth from smugglers, stirrup straps of lace of gold and silver, as may satisfy the clever Governor Tastuanes.

Gov. No, not satisfied yet, Don Forcico; for next, your little brother, Don Ambrosio, will give a truthful account to the Royal Court about these riches and abundant treasures.

Don For. Governor Tastuanes, if friend Captain Chief Alguacil will suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and ballets, my little brother, Don Ambrosio, will give a truthful account.

No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana, y palparesia su hermanito D. Ambrosio timaguas y verdad tin riquezas, tin hermosuras.

Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana, y palparesia Don Ambrosio timaguas y verdad.

Ya nemo niqui nistipampa quinimente motales, quinimente moseguan Alcaldes ordinarios de la Sta. hermandad, regidores y notarios, y depositarios. Eguan noche mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Pues Don Ambrosio asamatimaguas semo verdad á sones (se) paguala motalce Güegüence quichua contar güil hombre rico. En primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, ropa de Castilla, ropa de contrabando, güipil de pecho, güipil de pluma, medias de seda, zapatos de oro, sombrero de castor, estriberas de lazo de oro y de plata, muchintes hermosuras quichua contar sesule Güegüence hoy melagüe Don Ambrosio.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and ballets, and his little brother, Don Ambrosio, will give a truthful account of the riches and treasures.

Alg. At your service, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect the leading men, [and they suspend] the music, dances, songs and ballets, and Don Ambrosio will give a truthful account.

Don Am. I am here, as is proper, [and I pray God to protect] those who carry the messages, those who transact the business, the regular alcaldes of the Holy Brotherhood, the registrars, notaries and archivists, [by day] and by night, in the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes.

Gov. Well, Don Ambrosio, you are to tell me the truth about the stories which Güegüence relates, saying that he is a rich man. In the first place, [that he has] chests of gold, chests of silver, cloth of Spain, cloth from smugglers, vests, skirts of feathers, silk stockings, golden shoes, a beaver hat, stirrup straps of lace of gold and silver, quantities of pretty things, as that good-for-nothing Güegüence relates; so tell me clearly, Don Ambrosio.

Valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, vergüenza me da contar las cosas de ese Güegüence embustero, pues solo está esperando que cierre la noche para salir de casa en casa á hurtar lo que hay en las cocinas para pasar el, y su hijo Don Forcico. Dice que tiene cajoneria de oro, y es una petaca vieja totolatera, que tiene catre de seda y es un petate viejo revolcado, dice que tiene medias de seda y son unas botias viejas sin forro, que tiene zapatos de oro, y son unas chancletas viejas sin suelas, que tiene un fusil de oro, y es solo el palo, porque el cañon se lo quitaron.

Ve, que afrenta de muchacho, hablador, boca floja! revientale, hijo, la cabeza, que como no es hijo mio me desacredita.

Quitate de aquí, mala casta! No se espante Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes en oir á este hablador, que cuando yo anduve con mi padre por la carrera de Mexico y cuando venimos ya estaba mi madre en cinta de otro, y por eso salió tan mala casta, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes ya pachigüe muyules teguane motel poyuce Don Forcico contar tin hermosuras, tin bellezas, tumiles mo Cabildo Real.

Don Am. God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, I am ashamed to talk about the affairs of this old humbug, Güegüence, for he is only waiting until it is dark, to go from house to house, stealing whatever is in the kitchens, to keep him and his son, Don Forcico, alive. He says he has a chest of gold, and it is an old bird-basket; that he has a silken cot, and it is a dirty old mat; he says he has silk stockings, and they are old leggings, without lining; that he has golden shoes, and they are worn out slippers, without soles; that he has a golden gun, and it is only a wooden stock, because they took the barrel away from him.

Güe. Heavens! what an impudent boy, a babbler, a lying tongue! Break his head, my boy, for no son of mine would slander me in that way.

Don For. Get out of here, you bad breed. Don't be shocked, Governor, to hear this babbler; for when I went with my father on the road to Mexico, when we came back my mother was big by another, and that is why this one is such a bad breed, Governor Tastuanes.

Güe. Governor Tastuanes, now are you not satisfied completely about us, by what Don Forcico told the Royal Court, that I have quantities of pretty and beautiful things?

No chiquimate mollule Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes: pues mayagüe amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, campamento Srs. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia mo tinderia turna güiso mo Cabildo Real.

No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana, y paltechua consolar sesule Güegüence(.) Eguan mo tinderia y paltechua consolar mo cabildo real.

Mascamayagua, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia tinderia mo Cabildo Real.

Matateco Dio mispiales, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, asanega neme mo tinderia matamagüeso mo Cabildo Real. Alzen muchachos, miren cuanta hermosura. En primer lugar cajoneria de oro, cajoneria de plata, güipil de pecho, güipil de pluma, medias de seda, zapatos de oro, sombrero de castor, estriberas de lazo de oro y de plata, muchintes hermosuras, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, asaneganeme ese lucero de la mañana que relumbra del otro lado del mar, asanecaneme esa jeringuita de oro para ya remediar el Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Güe. The clever Governor Tastuanes does not know it. Well, then, let friend Captain Chief Alguacil suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets and talk, and I will open my tent to the Royal Court.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets and such like, to please this good-for-nothing Güegüence, and he will show his tent, to please the Royal Court.

Alg. At your service, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect the leading men, [and they suspend] the music, dances, songs, ballets and talk, [to show] the tent to the Royal Court.

Güe. I pray God to protect you, Governor Tastuanes. Let me offer you my tent, to show to the Royal Court. Heft it, boys. See what pretty things! In the first place, a chest of gold, a chest of silver, vests, feather skirts, silk stockings, golden shoes, a beaver hat, stirrup straps of lace of gold and silver, quantities of pretty things, Governor Tastuanes. Let me offer you this star of the morning, which shines from the other side of the sea; let me offer you this syringe of gold, with which to medicate the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes.

Como este mi muchacho tiene tantos oficios, que hasta en las uñas tiene encajados los oficios.

Pues mas ha sido escultor, fundidor, repicador, piloto de alturas de aquellos que se elevan hasta las nubes, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Pues mas ha sido carpintero, hacedor de yugos aunque sean de papayo, hacedor de arados, aunque sean de tecomajoche ya pachigüe muyule Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Ya pachigüete no pachigüete, pues Güegüence asanese palparesia mo Don Forcico timaguas y verdad tin oficios.

Pues si cana amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or. Mayague nistipampa Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia Don Forcico timaguas y verdad tin oficios.

Mascamayagua, Güegüence. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia D. Forcico mo Cabildo Real.

Güe. It is wonderful how many trades this boy of mine has. He is deep in trades to his fingers' ends.

Güe. Why, he has been a sculptor, a metal founder, a bell-ringer, and a pilot to the heights which rise above the clouds, Governor Tastuanes.

Güe. Then he has been a carpenter, a maker of yokes, though of papaya wood, a maker of plows, though of temple tree wood. This should satisfy the clever Governor Tastuanes.

Gov. No, I am not yet satisfied. Let Güegüence tell his son, Don Forcico, to give a truthful account of his trades.

Güe. Then, if friend Captain Chief Alguacil will, in my presence, cause the leading men to suspend the music, dances, songs and ballets, Don Forcico will give a truthful account of his trades.

Alg. At your service, Güegüence. I pray God will protect the leading men, [and they suspend] the music, dances, songs and ballets, for the talk of Don Forcico to the Royal Court.

Pues mas he sido escultor, fundidor, repicador, piloto de alturas de aquellas que se elevan hasta las nubes, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Pachigüete no pachigüete, pues Don Forcico asamaguimate mollule tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas mo Cabildo Real.

O valgame Dios, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, sicana amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana tin corridos y palechua consolar mo Cabildo Real.

No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia lichua consolar sesule Güegüence.

Mascamayagua Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes. Matateco Dio mispiales Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, velancicos, necana y palparesia consolar mo Cabildo Real sesule Güegüence.

Don For. Why, I have been a sculptor, a metal founder, a bell-ringer, and a pilot to the heights which rise above the clouds, Governor Tastuanes.

Gov. No, I am not satisfied, since Don Forcico should also know some clever dances and caperings, [to amuse] the Royal Court.

Don For. O! God bless me, Governor Tastuanes, if friend Captain Chief Alguacil [will suspend] in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and ballets, they shall have some running dances and such things, to amuse the Royal Court.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs, ballets and talk, in order that this good-for-nothing Güegüence may amuse [the Royal Court].

Alg. At your service, Governor Tastuanes. I pray God to protect the leading men, [and they suspend] the music, dances, songs, ballets and talk, in order that the good-for-nothing Güegüence may amuse the Royal Court.

Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, ya pachigüe mollule tigüita tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas, lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real.

Pachigüete no pachiguete, Güegüence, asamaquimate muyule, asanese palparesia motel poyuse Don Forcico y Don Ambrosio à consolar el Cabildo Real.

Mayague amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, campamento Sres. principales, sones, corridos, necana y paltechua consolar Don Forcico eguan D. Ambrosio mo Cabildo Real.

No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, corridos, necana y paltechua consolar Don Forcico eguan Don Ambrosio mo Cabildo Real.

Sor Gob^or Tastuanes, ya pachigüe mollule tigüita tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real.

Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes asamaquimate mollule tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas sones San Martin, à lichua consolar Don Forcico eguan Don Ambrosio mo Cabildo Real.

Güe. Governor Tastuanes, now you are satisfied that they have dances and caperings to amuse the Royal Court.

Gov. No, I am not satisfied. I would know thoroughly what Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio can do to amuse the Royal Court.

Güe. Let friend Captain Alguacil Major [suspend] in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and such like, that Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio may amuse the Royal Court.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances, songs and such like, that Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio may amuse the Royal Court.

Güe. Governor Tastuanes, now you are certainly satisfied that they have dances, have caperings, to amuse the Royal Court.

Güe. Governor Tastuanes may certainly know that Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio have dances and caperings, to the tune of St. Martin, to amuse the Royal Court.

No chopa quimate mollule Güegüence. No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones San Martin a lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real sesule Güegüence.

A Güegüence ya pachigüe muyule tigüita tin sapatetas lichuas consolar mo Cabildo Real.

Pachigüete no pachigüe, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes asamaquimate muyule sones Portorico no amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or à lichua consolar Don Forcico, y Don Ambrosio mo Cabildo Real.

No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones Portorico lichua consolar sesule Güegüence.

A Güegüence ya pachigüe muyule tigüita tin sapatetas lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real.

Pachigüete no pachigüe, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, que unos van para atras, y otros para delante.

Eso no lo sé, Güegüence. Pues, Güegüence, asamaquimate muyule, tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas semula macho-raton à lichua consolar mo Cabildo Real.

Gov. I do not certainly know it. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men [the music, etc.], that this good-for-nothing Güegüence may amuse the Royal Court with the tune of St. Martin.

Gov. Now, Güegüence, I am satisfied that they have caperings to amuse the Royal Court.

Güe. But I am not satisfied; and, Governor Tastuanes, my friend, Captain Chief Alguacil, might like to know how Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio can amuse the Royal Court, to the tune of Porto Rico.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men [the music, etc.], that this good-for-nothing Güegüence may console [us] with the tune of Porto Rico.

Gov. Now, Güegüence, I am satisfied that they have caperings to amuse the Royal Court.

Güe. But I am not satisfied, Governor Tastuanes, as some go from behind and others from in front.

Gov. I know nothing about that, Güegüence. Now, Güegüence, whether they have dances, caperings, like the macho-raton, to amuse the Royal Court?

Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, ya bueno amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, campamento Sres. principales, sones, mudanzas, necana, à lichua consolar semula macho-raton mo Cabildo Real. A, muchachos! que es de los machos?

Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes ya pachigüe mollule, tin mudanzas, tin sapatetas, tin remates, tin corcobios semula macho-raton.

Pues Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, no haremos un trato y contrato, que el sin tuno, sin tunal de eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche?

No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or simocagüe campamento el Señor Escribano Real, chigüigua no provincia real lichua obedecer eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche.

Güe. Governor Tastuanes, and good friend Captain Chief Alguacil, [suspend] in the quarters of the leading men the music, dances and songs, in order that we may amuse the Royal Court with the macho-raton. Ho, boys! how about the mules?

Güe. Governor Tastuanes, you are certainly satisfied that they have dances, caperings, finishing touches and curvetings, like the macho-raton.

Güe. Well, then, Governor Tastuanes, shall we not make a trade and a treaty between him, without a folly or a fig-tree, and the lady Suche-Malinche?

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend [the labor] in the quarters of the Royal Secretary, and let him obey our order to enter my royal presence, with the lady Suche-Malinche.

Ya nemo niqui nistipampa Sor. Escribano Real, negua ligua y Provincia Real, del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, lichua obedecer eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche.

Pues, no pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or simocagüe campamento Sres. principales, sones, rujeros, y paltechua obedecer eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche.

Pues, Sor. Escribano Real, asanegaguala sesule Güegüence güil hombre rico, eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche.

Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, asanegualigua vestir saya de la China, güipil de pecho, güipil de pluma, medias de seda,

Alg. I am, as is proper, Mr. Secretary. You will enter the royal presence of Governor Tastuanes, to obey his orders, and also the lady Suche-Malinche.

Sec. Well, then, my son, Captain Chief Alguacil, suspend in the quarters of the leading men the music, the shoutings, and such like, that I may obey, with the lady Suche-Malinche.

Sec. I am, as is proper, [and come] to obey your orders, with the lady Suche-Malinche.

Gov. Well, Mr. Secretary, there is a bargain between this good-for-nothing Güegüence, who is a rich man, and the lady Suche-Malinche.

Sec. Governor Tastuanes, let the bargain be for clothing, a petticoat from China, vest, feather skirt, silk stockings,

Yo no he hecho trato ni contrato con el Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, solo que sea mi muchacho.

Güe. I have not made any trade or treaty with the Governor Tastuanes; it must be my boy.

Güe. For you to get married! What, boy! a little chap like you dares to get married?

Para eso seres bueno. Don Forcico asiguale lichúa escojer mosamonte. Ve, que bizarra dama aqui, muchacho.

Pues, que es iguana ó garrobo para que esté pachaca? Quien la echó á perder, muchacho?

Para eso será bueno este soplado, ojos de sapo muerto, por eso está tan apupujado. Ve, que bizarra maneca, muchacho.

Güe. You're good enough for that. Don Forcico makes a bargain to choose presumptuously. See what a gay lady is here, my boy?

Güe. Is she, then, an iguana or a garrobo, that she is stuffed? Who has spoiled her, my boy?

Güe. For that the bloated fellow is good enough, the evil-eyed brat; that is the reason he is so played out. See, here's a gay cake-baker my boy.

Sabes escojer, no muchacho, pero no sabes escojer un buen machete para hacer un buen desmonte.

No mocegua, Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes; lo que siento es mi muchacho que se me pierde.

No pilse Capⁿ Alg^l M^or chigüigua mo Provincia Real, campamento sesule Güegüence lichua obedecer con una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla para en chocolá y paltechua brindar mo Cabildo Real.

Simocagüe, Sor. Alg^l M^or.—Mayagüe, amigo sesule Güegüence. En nombre mo Cabildo Real te damos los

Güe. You know how to choose, my boy; but you don't know how to choose a good axe to make a good clearing.

Gov. My son, Captain Chief Alguacil, let it be known in the quarters of my Royal Province that this good-for-nothing Güegüence is going to treat the Royal Court to a yoke of jars of Spanish wine.

Reg. Suspend [business], Mr. Chief Alguacil, and attend, friend good-for-nothing Güegüence. In the name of the Royal Court, we give the congratulations, and also

parabienes de eguan mo Doña Suche-Malinche, de inmenso que goce con Don Forcico, tu hijo, Güegüence.

Ha, Güegüence, asanegualigua y Provincia Real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes y paltechua obedecer con una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla en chocolá y paltechua brindar mo Cabildo Real del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Ha, muchachos, ya lo ven, aviados estamos. Bueno es, ser casado, pero ahora se nos ofrece un gran trabajo. Ya viene el provincial y no tenemos provision. Amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, á onde dejó al provincial, en Managua ó en Nindiri?

Acaso no me cele de bueyes ò de carreta, Güegüence. Una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla para en chocolá brindar su Cabildo Real Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes.

Ya lo ves, muchacho, en que empeño me metes, con ser casado. Ya ves la providencia que pide el Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes, una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla para en chocolá del Sor. Gob^or Tastuanes; te atreves á buscarla ó á sacarla, muchacho?

to the lady Suche Malinche, that she may enjoy herself hugely with Don Forcico, your son, Güegüence.

Alg. Ha, Güegüence! it is known in the Royal Province of the Governor Tastuanes that you are to obey him, and treat the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes to a yoke of jars of Spanish wine.

Güe. Ho, boys! you see we are already provided for. It is a fine thing to be married, but now we have a big job on hand. The Provincial is coming, and we have not prepared for him. Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, where did you leave the Provincial, in Managua or in Nindiri?

Alg. Perhaps I don't care about carts or oxen, Güegüence; a yoke of jars of Spanish wine for a lunch, to treat the Royal Court of Governor Tastuanes.

Güe. Now, boy, you see in what a bother you put me by getting married. Now you see the contribution which the Governor asks, a yoke of jars of Spanish wine for the Governor's lunch. Are you equal to hunting for it, or to getting it, boy?

Para escojer mosamonte si eres bueno. Te atreves a buscar una yunta de botijas de vino de Castilla, Don Ambrosio?

Güe. You are bold enough to choose [a wife] presumptuously. Are you bold enough to hunt up a yoke of jars of Spanish wine, Don Ambrosio?

Güe. Well, then, be it to win or lose, I shall go in search of the wine myself.

Güe. Shut up, boy. What will the folks say [if they hear] that I taught you to make a friend?

Arra ya, mala casta! malas mañas como las tienes vos. Amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or, ya estamos aviados de la yunta de botijas de vino, no habrá un macho de la cofradia ò de la comunidad?

Soy hombre de bien. Traigo mis machos, pero estan algo raspados desde su cruz hasta su rabo a lichuas diligencia, amigo Capⁿ Alg^l M^or. Ha, muchachos, que es de los machos?

Güe. Get out, you bad breed; you are the one with evil ways. Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, we have now provided the wine. Have you not a mule of the brotherhood, or of the village?

Güe. I am an honest man. I have my own mules, but they are a little raw, from withers to crupper, in consequence of my energy, Captain Chief Alguacil. Ha, boys! what about the mules?

Que sana ha de estar, muchacho, si asi tanta estaca tiene por delante? A onde se estacó este macho, muchacho?

Eso merece por ralirse del potrero á otro potrero. Y la vaticola de este macho, ya está sana, muchacho?

Que sana ha de estar, muchacho, si le ha bajado la flucion por de bajo de las piernas y la tiene muy hinchada? Reviéntalo, muchacho.

Güe. How can it be well if it has such a stick in front of it? Where did this mule run such a stick in itself, boy?

Güe. That is what it deserved for running from one pasture to another. And the crupper-gall of this other mule, is it now well, boy?

Güe. How can it be well, boy, if the inflammation has passed down beneath the legs, and there's a great swelling there? Burst it open, boy.

A mi tiempo, cuando fui muchacho, el tiempo del hilo azul, cuando me vei en aquellos campos de los Diriomos alzando aquellos fardos de guayabas,—no muchachos?

Dejeme acordar de mi tiempo, que con eso me consuelo. Ha! muchachos, para onde vamos, para atras ò para delante?

Muchachos, ¿no habrá un peinador para brindar el Cabildo Real del Sor Gob^or Tastuane?

Güe. In my time, when I was a boy, in the time of the blue thread, when I was in those plains of the Diriomos, lifting those packs of guayabas—isn't it so, boys?

Güe. Let me recall old times, that I may console myself with that. Say, boys, do we go in front or behind?

Güe. Boys, isn't there a cheeky fellow to toast the Royal Court of the Governor Tastuanes?

Güe. Friend Captain Chief Alguacil, let me offer you some Spanish wine, as a treat.

NOTES.

Page 4. The Dramatis Personæ. These have been discussed in the Introduction, page xlv. I may add that the "Regidor de Cana" may be for "Regidor Decano." Otherwise I do not see a meaning to it. The term "Alguacil" might be translated "constable," or "bailiff."

Page 6. The salutations exchanged between the Alguacil and Governor are repeated frequently between the characters. In the first, the words would seem to be the Nahuatl matataca, to beg, to pray, and miecpialia, to watch over, to protect; in the reply, for the latter is substituted miequilia, to prosper, followed by qualli, good, or well. The terminal s, in mispiales, miscuales, is probably a remnant of the Spanish os, you. No pilse is the vocative nopiltze, my dear son, compounded of the inseparable possessive pronoun of the first person, no, and tepiltzin, an affectionate or reverential form, from the root pilli. The expression need not be taken as literally meaning relationship, as the Nahuas used the formula nopiltzintzinê in addressing all persons of position. "Ma moyolicaizin, Nopiltzintzine, seas bien venido, ó ilustre Señor." Carochi, Gram. Mex., p. 20.

Ya tiguala neme, I take to be yê tiqualli tinemi, in which yê is a particle of contraposition, and both the adjective-adverb qualli, and the verb nemi, to live, to be, are preceded by the second personal pronoun ti. The compound mascamayagua appears to be from maxca, yours, literally, your thing (mo, your, axca, thing), and the optative particle mayecuele, equivalent to the Spanish ojalá; hence the meaning is "yours to command," or "at your service."

In his next words the Governor uses a phrase which is repeated by various speakers with a "damnable iteration" throughout the comedy. Simocague would, in pure Nahuatl, be ximocauoltia, the imperative second person singular, of the compulsive form of mocaua, to cease, to stop, or to suspend something. The noun mocacaua is the word for the pauses or intervals in music. The reason for the frequent repetition of the request, I suppose to be that in the ancient exhibitions of the drama numerous assistants joined in dancing, singing and playing on musical instruments; and when a specified ballet was to be performed, or an important conversation to be repeated, they were courteously addressed, and requested to be silent for a time. Dr. Valentine tells me that in Guatemala the term gente principal is commonly used to designate the most prominent inhabitants of a pueblo.

Necana y paltechua, Nahuatl words, united by the Spanish conjunction. The former is Nah. nequaniliztli, dancing motions; the latter, elsewhere written palechua and paleguisa, is a corruption of paleuqui, suitable, or appropriate things. Hemo, a form of Sp. hemos, is an antiquated expression for tenemos.

The word mo in the expression mo Cabildo Real may be the Spanish mio, my; or the Nah. mo, thy, thine. The Cabildo was originally the chapter of a religious house, and later a council, but at present it is applied in Central America to the municipal courts, and the house in which they sit.

Page 8. In the second reply of the Alguacil on this page there are evidently several words omitted which I have supplied in brackets in the translation. The same has occurred elsewhere, and it was to be expected, as nearly all the Nahuatl expressions have become unintelligible to the native population of the present generation. As most of these formulas are repeated several times, we can approximate to what the full expression should be.

Ya nemo niqui nistipampa, is a frequent reply in the play to a formal salutation of a superior. I have translated it as some corruption of the Nahuatl words, yê nemonequi nixtlipampa, literally, "my presence is proper," i. e., "I am present before you, as is my duty." The Alguacil, as having charge of the patrol, hastens to speak of its wretched uniform. The adjective sesule, constantly applied to Güegüence, evidently in a depreciatory manner, is probably from the Nah. tçulli, worthless.

[77] Page 10. While the Governor and Alguacil are conversing, Güegüence and his sons enter, and overhear the last directions of the Governor. All three understand whom he means, but it is the cue of Güegüence to assume a different signification. To the brusque rejoinder of Don Ambrosio he pretends to be deaf, and this feigned difficulty of hearing is depended on as one of the main elements of the comic throughout.

The epithet mala casta, of bad blood, as applied by Güegüence to his own (putative) son, becomes intelligible later in the play, where it is stated that he was begotten during his legal father's absence in Mexico.

Embustero, which I have rendered "humbug," is more exactly a boasting, bragging charlatan. Dr. Valentine suggests "blower," in the slang sense of that word.

Page 12. Asuyungua. The numerous words which begin in asu, asa, and ase, seem to be compounds with the Nah aço, "perhaps," used in introducing a positive statement mildly, or in presenting a question in the form of an assertion, as aço amo timoçahua, "perhaps you have not fasted," meaning "you surely have not." (Carochi.) It is usually combined with other particles, and the analysis of such compounds in the altered form presented in the text becomes exceedingly uncertain.

After the announcement of his person and official position by the Alguacil, Güegüence repeats his titles in a tone of affected admiration, and inquires after his staff of office, which was not visible. This staff was all-important to the dignity of an alcalde or alguacil. In Nahuatl this official is called topilê, he who carries the staff, from topilli, staff.

Page 14. Güegüence, who has no desire to appear before the Governor, makes an excuse that he will learn how to fly, and is about leaving, when he is called back by the Alguacil. The words te calas, qui provincia real, should probably read, ticalaquia presencia real, the first from calaquia, to enter, as on page 8.

Page 16. Having agreed to take a lesson in etiquette, Güegüence pretends quite to misunderstand the Alguacil, when he claims pay for his instructions.

Redes, "nets" of salted fish. The reference is to the method adopted by the Indians of Central America in carrying burdens. This is in a net which is suspended between the shoulders by means of a strap which passes across the forehead. Such a net is called in Nicaragua matate, and in pure Nahuatl, matlauacalli; the strap or band by which it is supported is the mecapal, Nah. mecapalli. When the material to be transported is a fluid, a jar of earthenware is suspended in the same manner. A small earthenware cup, found in Nicaragua exhibits this, and also some ingenuity of arrangement. It represents a woman, with one of these jars on her back, seated. (See p. 78.)

Page 18. Ojos de sapo muerto, lit. "eyes of a dead toad." Such eyes were considered to exercise an evil influence, and to bring bad luck.

Page 20. Doblar. This Spanish word means to toll a bell, as at a death. Güegüence chooses to understand the Alguacil's demand for doubloons to be a request to doblar, and hastens to announce to his sons that the Alguacil has suddenly died.

Page 24. The coins which Güegüence names are those of the old Spanish currency. A cuarto was a brass piece, equal to a half-penny English, or one American cent (Delpino, Spanish and English Dictionary, 1763.) It was worth four maravedis, and eight cuartos equaled a real de vellon.

The phrase maneta congon is of uncertain signification. I have translated the first word as the imperative form of nextia, to show, to disclose; congon may perhaps be a corruption of conetontli, boy.

The Alguacil now begins his instruction, and repeats, for the benefit of Güegüence, the proper salutation which should be used in addressing the Governor. The old man pretends to misunderstand them, and makes use of other words, similar in sound, but of an insulting signification. I have not succeeded in showing, in the English text, this play upon words.

[79] Page 28. Asonesepa negualigua, etc. This passage has proved unintelligible to me, and the rendering is little more than a guess. The phrase is the same as at the foot of p. 30.

In the midst of the conversation the Governor suddenly appears, and Güegüence turns to him with the customary and proper salutation, thus showing that his desire for instruction from the Alguacil was a sham.

Page 30. Mesonero, a person who owns or has charge of a meson, a house in which the poorer classes of travelers sleep, providing their own food, and that of their beasts (Dr. Valentine). For tupile see Vocabulary.

Antepeque or Tecoantepeque, the seaport of Guaxaca. Thomas Gage, who visited it in 1625, wrote of it: "This Port of Tecoantepeque is the chief for fishing in all that country; we met here in the ways, sometimes with fifty, sometimes with a hundred mules together, laden with nothing but salt fish for Guaxaca, the City of Angels, and Mexico."—A new Survey of the West Indies, p. 195. (London, 1699.)

Dulces are sweetmeats of various kinds, eaten usually between meals. Squier remarks: "The Spanish taste for 'dulces' long ago passed into a proverb, but it rather surpasses itself in Nicaragua. The venders of 'dulces', generally bright Indian girls, gaily dressed, and bearing a tray, covered with the purest white napkins, and temptingly spread upon their heads, pass daily from house to house; and it is sometimes difficult, and always ungallant, to refuse purchasing something from their stock."—Nicaragua, Vol. I, p. 275.

The punctuation toward the foot of the page should probably be, "no seremos guancos; no; seremos amigos," etc. The guipil de pecho is the short upper jacket worn by the women. A guipil de pluma is a skirt woven of feathers. In ancient times, these garments, skillfully constructed of the beautiful plumes of tropical birds, were esteemed as the most valued articles in the treasures of kings, and the most magnificent of royal costumes. The art of feather-weaving continued for some generations after the Conquest. Indeed, as late as 1840 one family in Mechoacan preserved it. The reference to it in the text, however, is a sign of antiquity, as it has long since disappeared in Central America. See an interesting monograph on the subject by the eminent French antiquary, Ferdinand Denis.—Arte Plumaria; Les Plumes, leur Valeur et leur Emploi dans les Arts au Mexique, au Perou, etc. Paris, 1875.

Page 32. Much of this page is rendered with doubtful accuracy, as the text is very obscure.

Page 34. Hay me sagua, the same as hoy melague, p. 36; hoy, Spanish, now, to-day, melaua, Nah., to speak out, or openly.

Page 40. The reference to the star would seem to be that when the tent is opened a star is visible through it, which Güegüence offers to the Governor.

Page 42. Seran de arena. "They may be of sand," i. e., they are of no value or importance.

Yugos de papayo, yokes of papaw wood, a soft wood, worthless for the purpose, as is also the wood of the tecomajoche, the Plumeria, for plows. The intimation is that Don Forcico was smart enough to cheat his customers.

The Nicaraguan plow is a wooden instrument of the most primitive construction. The following cut from Mr. Squier's work represents one.

Page 48. The tunes mentioned, the St. Martin, the Valona, the Porto rico and others, are still preserved in Nicaragua.

Page 50. Sin tuno, sin tunal. An obscure phrase which none of my advisers can explain. Tuna is the prickly pear, tunal, the plant that bears it, various species of Opuntia. Tuna, in the university slang, means beggarly, reckless; "estudiantes de la tuna," mendicant or vagabond students. (See Don J. Arias Giron, Costumbres Salamanquinas.)

Page 54. When the Governor uses the Nahuatl word mocemati, presumptuously, Güegüence feigns to understand him to say desmonte, which means, in Nicaraguan Spanish, a clearing, and also the worthless waste products thrown out of a mine.

[81] Page 56. Güegüence leads in several girls, and presents them to Don Forcico, which gives the pair an opportunity for some coarse jokes. Pachaca, stuffed up, here meant in the sense of being with child. Iguana ô garroba, the latter the male of the iguana, a thick tree lizard of the tropics. Aventada, puffed up, taken in the same sense as pachaca.

Page 58. The machete, which I have translated "axe," is a long, heavy knife or cutlass, in extensive use in Spanish America, for domestic and agricultural purposes. It is shown in the following cut.

Una yunta de botijas de vino, a yoke or brace of wine jars, probably so called from having been carried by a neck yoke, one suspended on each side.

Page 60. The Alguacil speaks to Güegüence of toasting, brindar, the Court, and Güegüence feigns to hear him speak of the provincial or ecclesiastical officer in charge of the province. It is an example of assonance which is lost in the translation. Managua and Nindiri are towns in the Mangue district of Nicaragua. See the map on page xii.

The next affected misunderstanding of the old man is to take una yunta de botijas, a yoke of bottles, for una yunta de bueyes, a yoke of oxen.

Page 62. Hacer amigo, to make a friend. This is the phrase which is used by courtezans with reference to securing a male patron to pay their expenses, and for that reason Güegüence affects to be shocked by the employment of it by Don Forcico.

Page 64. The words of the Alguacil, "What a reputation, etc.," are with reference to the charge of Don Ambrosio, that Güegüence had taught his son evil ways.

The introduction of the mules, i. e., the actors dressed as mules, as described on page xlviii, is the occasion of several extremely obscene puns and allusions.

[82] Page 68. Potrero, colt-yard, or pasture-lot, a play on the similarity of the word to puteria, a brothel. The estaca referred to is, of course, an obscene allusion, as is also the fluccion por debajo de las piernas, i. e., the scrotum.

Page 70. El tiempo del hilo azul. This idiom has foiled all whom I have consulted. Dr. Valentine thinks it refers to the season of the year when the verdure reappears after the drouth. F. Diego Duran states that the village conjurors were accustomed to suspend charms to the necks of boys by blue and green threads. (Historia de las Indias de la Nueva España. Tom. II, p. 275.) Thus understood, the time of the blue thread would be equivalent to boyhood.

Campos de los Diriomos. The Mangue word Diriomo means the hill of abundance, or of great fertility. The locality so named is shown on the map, page xii.

Guayaba. This is the fruit of the guayabo tree, the Psidium pyriferum. It is red in color, and about the size of a small apple.

Page 72. A la gorra, literally "for the cap," an idiom meaning that one receives something merely for taking off the cap; a gratuity. Dr. Valentine, however, writes me: "I understand nosotros á la gorra to mean 'then we shall have to do without.'"

VOCABULARY

Apupujado, Sp. Worn out, played out.

Arra! "Get up! Get along!" A cry of the muleteers to their animals.

Asa—. The various words beginning thus are compounds commencing with the Nah. aço, which expresses a doubt, or implies a question, == perhaps, maybe. Olmos says: "Quiere decir por ventura, respondiendo ô dudando."—Gram. Nahuatl, p. 179.

Asama—. This prefix to various words is the Nah. açoma, which is a strengthened form of aço.—Carochi, Gram. Mex., p. 181. The syllable ma is also the sign of the imperative.

Asamaquimate, Nah. A compound of açamo, as above, and mati, to know. The qui is the objective pronoun of the third singular, him, her, it, that; but its employment in this connection is incorrect.

Asamatimaguas, or —timagas, Nah. Probably from açoma (see above), and either temachtico, to come to teach, or tell; or temaca, to give something to a person.

Asanecaneme, see Asaneganeme.

Asanegaguala, see Asanegualigua.

[84] Asaneganeme, Nah. Probably aço ni ca nemactia, the last word meaning to give or offer something to another, "perhaps I may offer something," == "May I offer you some?"

Asanegualigua, Nah. Probably aço and necuilhuia, to deal, bargain, treat for.

Asanese, Nah. p. 42. A compound of aço and some unknown word. Probably == asones, q.v.

Asetato, Sp. ant. and prov. for sientate, sit down.

Asiguala, Nah. From aço and perhaps qualani, to grow angry (?).

Asones, Nah. From aço, and probably nechca or nepa, adverbs of place and time, "these," "then," "once," "formerly." Sometimes it is written à sones, and asonesepa.

Asuyungua, Nah. Compound of aço and noyuhqui, thus, in this manner (? Cf. Carochi, Gram. Mex. p. 190).

Ayugama, Nah. == ayoccampa, nowhere, not at all, never.

Azetagago, Nah. Apparently a corrupt form from acicacaqui, to understand.

Batuchito, Sp. prov. A small box, in which money, etc., is kept.

Cabildo, Sp. A chapter; a council. In Central America, the municipal court. See p. 76.

Cabriolé, Sp. A kind of riding coat; "a narrow riding coat without sleeves." (Delpino, Span. Dict.)

Campaneme, ?. p. 28. Probably for campamento.

Cana, Nah. A particle, expressing doubt, "any time," "anywhere." Cuix cana otimoyolcuiti, Have you confessed anywhere? It cannot begin a sentence, but must always follow some other word (Carochi, Gram. Mex., p. 158).

Cele, Sp. prov. A form of zelar, to be zealous for, to be anxious for; no me cele, I do not very strongly desire; used ironically.

Chiguigua, Nah. Perhaps ti calaquia, you will enter in.

Chiquimate, Nah. From mati, to know, qui, objective.

[85] Chopaquimate, Nah. Quimati, see above. Chopa and chi seem to be personal forms.

Chocola, Nah. Chocolatl, a drink made from cacao. It has been doubted whether there was a Nahuatl word in this form. Don Jesus Sanchez denies it in his Glosario de Voces Castellanas derivadas del Idioma Nahuatl, sub voce (Mexico, 1883). But its pure Nahuatl origin seems to be established by another writer (An. del Museo Nacional de Mexico, Tom. iii, p. 86). From the text, its meaning was in a wider sense a refection in general, just as the English word "tea" means a meal.

Cinchera, Sp. The portion of the body of a horse or mule where the saddle girth is fastened.

Cobijones, Sp. Large leather coverings to protect goods, etc.

Cojudo, Sp. Not castrated. Applied to the entire horse, etc.

Columbrar, Sp. To descry, to discern at a distance. "Lo que veo y columbro, respondió Sancho," etc.—Don Quixote, Pt. I, cap. xxi.

Congon, Nah. p. 24. Perhaps conetontli, a boy, or young person.

Consentidor, Sp. A conniver, procurer, pimp.

Corcobios, Sp. Curvetings, gambolings. Applied to the steps in certain dances.

Corridos, Sp. Running steps, or motions, in certain dances.

Cuascuane, Nah. From cuicani, to sing, chant.

Desmonte, Sp. A clearing; the refuse from a clearing, or from a mine. See note, page 80.

Eguan, Nah. A form of ihuan, and, as well as.

Escataci, p. 28 (?).

Galagua, Nah., calaquia, to enter, to come into.

[86] Ganzo, Sp. prov. a goose; a fool; also a glutton.

Garrobo. A large species of tree lizard; the male of the iguana (Berendt, Lengua Castellana de Nicaragua, MSS).

Guajaqueño, Nah. From quauhuaqui, to appear thin and dry, like a stick.

Guancos, Sp. prov. for guanacos, foolish, silly persons.

Güil, Sp. prov. Probably for que es el, or quel, who is the, or which?

Guipil, Nah. A form of gueipil, or huipilli. The short skirt, without sleeves, used by the Indian women. "Camisa de algodon sin mangas."—Jesus Sanchez, Glosario de Voces Castellanas derivadas del Náhuatl, s.v.

Guiso, see Tomaguiso.

Lichua, Nah. Probably an abbreviated form from tla achiua, to do, or make something; lichua obedecer, to make to obey.

Linar, Sp. prov. To please, amuse, == consolar, for which it is used in some districts. (Berendt.)

Machete, Sp. prov. A heavy knife, or sort of cutlass (a Biscayan word). See page 81.

Macho, Sp. A male of any animal, especially of a mule; used generally for mule in the Güegüence.

Macho-raton, Sp. Literally, "the male mouse," but in Nicaragua applied to a fantastic costume, and hence to the play, or baile, in which it is worn. See page xlvii. It may also mean a mouse-colored jack.

Maneca, Nah. From mana, to make maize cakes, or tortillas; manacan, one who likes to make such (cf. Carochi, Gram. Mex., p. 136).

[87] Maneta, Nah. Probably the imperative form of nextia (mâ xi nextia), to show, to disclose or inform.

Mascamayagua, Nah. A compound of maxca (== mo, axca) thine, it is thine (literally, thy thing), and mayacuele, the optative particle, or else ma ayc caui, thine always. It is evidently equivalent to "yours to command," "at your service," etc.

Matamagueso, see Tumaguiso.

Matateco, Nah. Slightly altered form of matataca, to beg, to pray, possibly by the addition of the Spanish personal pronoun, I, "yo."

Mayagua, or Mayague, Nah. Apparently the sign of the optative, mayacuele, and expressive of a wish; yecuel, in Nah., also conveys the idea of promptness and earliness (Carochi, Gram. Mex., p. 175).

Melague, or Melagua, Nah. A form of melaua, to say clearly, to speak openly. The termination que, in Nah., marks the plural of certain nouns and tenses.

Miscuales, Nah. From miequilia, to prosper, augment, increase.

Mispiales, Nah. From miecpialia, to watch over, guard, protect. In both the above words, the prefix is miec, much, used as an intensive particle.

Mo, Nah. Second person, sing., of the inseparable possessive pronoun, no, my, mo, thy, y, his, to, our, amo, your, yn, their. Mo is also the reflexive pronoun of the third person singular, and appears to be occasionally used in the Güegüence as the possessive of the third person, probably from analogy with the Spanish su.

Mocegua, or Mosegua, Nah. Apparently from mocenchiua, to unite in doing something. The n is euphonic, the composition being ce, one, and achiua, to do.

Mohino, Sp. Applied to a mule proceeding from a stud and a jenny; also, peevish, cross.

[88] Mollule, or Muyule, Nah. Apparently from molotl, smart, clever, crafty; itself a derivative from yollo, able, ingenious, talented.

Monistilco, Nah. Apparently from monetli, son-in-law, with the postposition co, for, by, etc.

Mosamonte, Nah. mocemati, presumptuously, too boldly.

Motales, or Motalce, Nah. Derivatives, apparently, from motlaloa, to run, to carry messages, with the signification messengers.

Motel, Nah. p. 38. An interrogative negative particle, properly monel.

Moto, Sp. prov. Noisy, rowdyish; a noisy, blustering person. "El muchacho mal criado que motea." (Berendt, La Lengua Castellana de Nicaragua, MSS.)

Muchintes. The Sp. mucho, much, with the Nah. augmentative termination tzin, == very much, very extensive. Or else, the pure Nah. muchintin, all, plural of muchi.—Olmos, Gram. Nahuatl, p. 48.

Mudanzas, Sp. prov. The motions in a dance.

Muyule, see Mollule.

Necana, Nah. From nequanaliztli, dancing motions, as are used in bailes.

Neganeme, see Asaniganeme.

Negua, Nah. If a separate word, this is probably from neci, to disclose oneself, to show oneself; it is, however, a doubtful expression.

Negualigua, Nah. From necuilhuia, to bargain, to deal for.

Neme, Nah. From nemi, to live, to be (Sp. estar), to dwell.

Nemo, see Niqui.

Niqui, Nah. Found in the construction nemo niqui, which should probably read ni monequi, it is proper for me, becoming or necessary. Sp. me conviene.

[89] Nistipampa, Nah. The postposition pampa, ixtli, the face, and the first possessive pronoun no. The compound means "I, present," or "in my presence." Carochi, Gram. Mex., p. 45.

No, Nah. First person, singular, of the inseparable possessive pronoun. See mo. It is also used for the Spanish negative, no, not, throughout the play.

Ñonguan, page 28. An unknown word which, from its initial nasal, has the appearance of being from the Mangue tongue, in which this sound is very common.

Opa, Nah., oppa, twice.

Pachaca, Nah. A derivative from pachiui, to stuff with food, to satisfy the appetite, etc. The verbal nouns ending in ca or can usually signify place where, but this is to be considered a verbal adjective, from the pluperfect pachiuhca.

Pachigue, or Pachiguete, Nah. From pachiuitia, to satisfy a person. The frequent expression, pachigue no pachiguete, should probably be punctuated pachigue? No pachigutee, == Satisfied? No, you do not satisfy me.

Paguala, p. 36, Nah. A truncated word. Compare a sones sepaguala, p. 34, and a sonesepa negualigua, p. 28.

Palegue, see Panegue.

Palparesia, Nah. From papal, or papallotl, talk, conversation. Sp. parleria. No doubt an onomatopoietic word, like the English babble, Hebrew, Babel, which it resembles, both in pronunciation and meaning.

Paltechua, Nah. From paleuhqui, favorable, advantageous or appropriate things. See page 76.

Paneguia, or Panegue, or Palegue, Nah. From panauia, to get the better of another, to overcome, conquer. The termination, gue, or guia, in this and other verbal forms, is one of past time in the Nahuatl. See Carochi, Gram. Mex., p. 54.

[90] Peinador, p. 70. Perhaps the Spanish word so spelled, which means a hairdresser, and hence an effeminate person. But it may be a Spanish form from the Nah. pinauhtia, to put another to the blush, or out of countenance, the compulsive form of pinaua, to be ashamed.

Perico ligero, Sp. prov. In Nicaragua, the night-monkey, Cercoleptes caudivolvulus, which has sharp claws. It is elsewhere applied to a species of parrot, and to the bee bear, Myrmecophaga, (Berendt, Lengua Castellana de Nicaragua, MSS).

Petaca, Nah. From petlacalli, a box, trunk or chest; especially a square basket, with a lid; "cajon quadrangular con tapa, hecho de palma" (Berendt, id).

Petate, Nah., petlatli, the native rug or mat, woven of palm leaves or rushes.

Pilse, Nah., piltzin, son, vocative, piltze. See page 75.

Polluse, or Poyuse, Nah. Apparently a form of poa, to tell, relate, give an account, preterit, pouh, pouhca.

Qui, Sp., who; also at times for Sp. aqui, here.

Quichuas, Nah. Probably a derivative from achiua, to do or make. Compare Lichua.

Quilis, Nah., qualli, good, well.

Quinimente, Nah., quin, he, those, aquin, who. It would seem to be a demonstrative form, but its analysis is obscure.

Quinquimagua, Nah. A compound of macua, to give, to concede, with the pronouns quin or aquin.

Rebiatar, Sp. prov. To tie behind, as the muleteers tie one mule in the line to the mule in front of it.

Recua, Sp. prov. A team, or line, of mules.

Remates, Sp. prov. The finishing steps, or closing figures of a dance.

Riñonada. The hinder portion of a horse or mule, over which passes one of the harness straps.

[91] Rujeros, Sp. prov. for rugidos, bellowings or shoutings. The name of a tune.

Sagua, p. 34. A mutilated word; see Melague.

Sapatetas, Sp. prov. for zapatetas, from zapato, a shoe. Shoe-slappings, the name of the figures in a rough, noisy dance.

Samo, Nah., p. 8. Probably some compound of amo, no, not.

Semula, Sp. prov. for similar, like, similar to.

Seno, Sp. prov. for sin, without.

Sepaguala, Nah. See Paguala.

Sepanegaligua, Nah. A compound of calaquia, to enter, with some prefix, as cepan, together, or ixpan, in the presence of some one.

Sesule, Nah. A compound of tçulli, good for nothing, worthless, perhaps with ce, one, or te, some one. It is an adjective, applied in a depreciatory manner to the Güegüence.

Sicana, Nah. See Cana.

Silguerio, Sp. prov. for xilguero, a linnet, or thrush.

Simocague, Nah. Imperative form of mocaua, to pause, suspend, cease. See page 75.

Sobornal, Sp. The excess or addition to a load.

Sones, Sp. Tunes, music.

Tatita, Sp. Little papa. A diminutive of endearment. It could also be derived from the Nah. tatli, father.

Tecetales, or Tesetales, Nah. From tetzauia, to be a shame, to be scandalous.

Tecomajoche, Nah., tecomatl, vase, xochitl, flower; a tree bearing small white flowers, a species of Plumiera, allied to the East Indian "temple tree."

Teguane, Nah. Form of tehuantin, pronoun, first person plural, we, us.

[92] Ticino, Nah., ticitl, a native doctor, a charlatan; one who casts lots for divination; a personal form, from ticiti, might be ticitoni.

Tiguala, Nah. A compound of ti, thou, and qualli, good or well. See note, page 75.

Tiguita, Nah. A word of uncertain meaning, pages 46, 48, in the phrase mollule tiguita. It may be a first person plural, from quixtia, tic quixtia, we do our duty, we do our best.

Timaguas, Nah. Either from temaca, to give something to another; or from temachti, a teacher, an instructor.

Tin, Sp. A form for tener, to have. It stands in different passages for tiene, tenemos, and tienen, and is a good illustration of the wearing away of forms in this mixed dialect.

Tinderia, Sp. for tenderia, a shop, booth or tent, in which wares are displayed for sale.

Totolatera, Nah. From tototl, a bird or fowl; petaca totolatera, a basket for carrying fowls.

Tumaguiso, Nah. A compound of tuma, to untie, open, and quiça, a verbal termination, which signifies a performance of the action of the verb to which it is added.—Olmos, Gram. Nah., p. 157.

Tumiles, Nah. An adjective from the same root as tomanaliztli, fatness, corpulence, and signifies abounding, abundant.

Tunal, Sp. prov., from a Haytian (Arawack) word. It means a plantation of the native American cactus figs, or prickly pears. See page 80.

Tupile, Nah. An officer of justice, an alcalde or alguacil. From topilê, he who carries a staff; topilli, staff, this being the badge of the office.

Vaticola, Sp. prov. The posterior of an animal; the crupper region. Possibly from veta di cola, vein of the tail.

Velancicos, Sp. prov. for villancicos, rustic songs sung at the doors of the brotherhoods (cofradias) at certain festivals (Berendt, Leng. Castel. de Nicaragua, MSS).

Ya. Interjection. You there! Yes, there!

INDEX.

Alva, B. de, xlv.

Anahuac, v, vi, vii.

Antepeque, 79.

Arawack language, xx.

Ayacachtli, the, xxxvi.

Aymaras, xv.

Aztecs, v, xvi.
migrations of, vi.

Baker, Theodore, xxxviii.

Bancroft, H. H., ix.

Baptista, J., xlviii.

Balsam Coast, the, xxxvi.

Barber, E. A., xxxiii, xxxviii.

Benzoni, G., xi, xvi, xxii, xliv.

Berendt, C. H., v, vi, xi, xxv, xxxi, xli.

Bertonio, L., xv.

Bobadilla, F. de, vii.

Brantford, Dr. J. F., x, xxxv.

Brasseur de Bourbourg, xliii.

Buschmann, vii, xi.

Cacho, the, xxxvii.

Canahuate, dance, xxvi.

Carimba, the, xxxvi.

Carochi, H., xvi, 75, 77.

Chapanecs, H., viii, ix, xxii, xxxix.

Chiapanec, see Chapanecs.

Chiapas, ix.

Chilchil, the, xxxvi.

Chinegritos, Los, xxvi.

Chirimoya, the, xxxviii.

Cholotecans, vi, n, viii.

Cholula, derivation, viii.

Chorotegans, see Cholotecans.

Cofradias, the, xxxix.

Coreal, F., xxii, xliv.

Cuscatlan, vi.

Delpino, F., 78.

Denis, F., 79.

Dirians, viii.

Drums, xxx.

Duran, D., xxi, xxx, xliv, xlviii, 82.

Feather weaving, 79.

Flint, Dr. Earl, x, xxxix, xli.

Flutes, xxxv.

Fonseca Bay, viii.

Gage, Thomas, xxii, 79.

Gatschet, A. S., xxxviii.

Giron, J. A., 80.

Gollena, Dr., xviii.

Gomara, vii.

Güegüence,
Play described, xli.
Derivation, xlv.
Story of, xlviii.

Haefkens, J., xxiv.

Honduras, xvii.

Icazbalceta, J. G., xlviii.

Juco, the, xxxv.

Kekchis, xlii.

Kiches, xliii.

Lacandons, xxxviii.

Las Inditas, xxx.

Lessing, G. C., xlvi.

Levy, Pablo, xxiv, xxx, xliii.

Logas, xxv.

Machete, the, 81.

Macho-Raton, the, xlviii.

Maguateca, vii.

Malinche, air of, xxxviii.

Managua, Lake, viii.
Province, xi, xxxi.

Mangue language, xi, xiii.

Mangues, v, viii, xxii.

[94]Marimba, the, xxviii.

Masaya, viii, xvii.

Mayas, ix.

Mice, superstitions about, xlviii.

Morelet, A., xxx, xxxviii.

Nahuas, v.

Nahuatl language, v, vi, xiii.

Nahuatl Spanish jargon, xxi.

Namotiva, xxx.

Navarro, J. M., xxxix.

Negritos, dance, xxvi.

Nets, for burdens, 77.

Nicaragua, v.
Derivation of, vi.
Lake of, v, xi.

Nicaraguans, vi.

Nicaraos, vi.

Nicoya, Gulf of, v, viii, xxxv.

Niquirans, v, vi.

Ollita, Dance of, xxvi.

Ollita, instrument, xxxi.

Ometepec, Island, xi, xxxi.

Oviedo, F. de, v, viii, xi, xix, xxi.

Perez, Geronimo, xix.

Peru, xv, xxxi.

Pito, the, xxxiii.

Plow, Nicaraguan, 80.

Qquichua Language, xvi.

Quijongo, the, xxxvi.

Remesal, P. F., ix.

Rocha, J. E. de la, xii.

Salazar, F. C., xlviii.

Squier, E. G., v, vi, x, 79.

Suchi-Malinche, Derivation of, xlvii.

Tastuanes, derivation of, xlvii.

Tecoatega, xx.

Tecoantepeque, 79.

Tempsky, Von, xxviii, xxxviii.

Ternaux-Compans, vii, ix.

Ticknor, George, xxv, xliv.

Ticomega, vii.

Titicaca, Lake, xv.

Toro-Guaca, dance of, xxvi.

Torquemada, vii, ix.

Uluas, xliii.

Urrutia, J. A., xxiii.

Vasquez, F., vi, xxii.

Valentine, F. H., 76, 82.

Valentine, P. J. J., ix.

Vera Paz, Province, xxxviii.

Whistles, xxxiii, xxxv.

Zapatero, Island, xxxiii.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] E. G. Squier, The States of Central America, p. 317 (London, 1858).

[2] The conquest of Nicaragua is described by Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Lib. XXIX, cap. XXI, and Herrera, Decadas de Indias, Dec. III, Lib. IV, and see Dec. IV, Lib. VIII, cap. X.

[3] "Nicaragua es lo mismo que Nica anahuac, aqui estan los Mexicanos ò Anahuacos." Fray Francisco Vasquez, Cronica de la Provincia de Guatemala, Parte II, Lib. V, cap. I (Guatemala, 1716). The form Nicarao, adopted by Dr. Berendt, is certainly corrupt, as the termination of a proper name in ao is not found in correct Nahuatl. Squier's term Niquirans was adopted by him from a misreading of Oviedo, and has no authority whatever; so, also, his attempted discrimination between Chorotegans and Cholotecans, as both these are forms of the same word.

[4] "The hypothesis of a migration from Nicaragua and Cuscatlan to Anahuac is altogether more consonant with probabilities, and with traditions, than that which derives the Mexicans from the north."—E. G. Squier. Notes on Central America, p. 349. It is difficult to understand how Mr. Squier could make this statement in the face of the words of Herrera and so many other writers.

[5] "La Gente de esta tierra decia, que havia descendido de la Mexicana; su Trage, i Lengua, era casi, como el de Mexico."—Herrera, Decada III, Lib. V, Cap. XII. "Dicèn, que huvo en los tiempos antiguos, en Nueva España una gran Seca, por lo qúal se fueron por aquella Mar Austral à poblar à Nicaragua."—Id. Dec. III, Lib. IV, cap. VII. Torquemada, specifically quoting the traditions obtained from the oldest natives, states that the Nicaraguans came from Anahuac at no remote epoch.—Monarquia Indiana, Lib. III, cap. XL. See, also, Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 206.

[6] Prof. Buschmann, who obtained these names in a garbled form from Ternaux-Compans' translation of Oviedo, gave them up as insoluble, while recognizing their value as indicating the wanderings of the Nicaraguans. "Unglücklicherweise," he says, "sind jene zwei Namen von so ungünstigem Gehalte, das ich nichts aus ihnen hervorlocken kann."—Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen, p. 768 (Berlin, 1852).

[7] The careless statement of the historian Herrera, that it was only the Chorotegans who had such books, can be corrected from his own volumes, and also from the explicit words of Oviedo and Gomara. Compare Herrera, Dec. III, Lib. IV, cap. VII, with Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Lib. XLII, cap. I, and Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 202.

[8] The word mánkeme is a derivative from [chi]imá, the head, whence the Chapanec d[chi]ämä, the ruler or head man, and mand[chi]ämä, master, chief, in which word ma is a possessive prefix, and n a particle, sometimes relative, sometimes euphonic, of exceedingly frequent use in this tongue. It may be compared to the Nahuatl in.

[9] This latter, or a portion of them, inhabiting a hilly country south of Masaya, were called Dirians, from the Mangue word diri=, a hill, a name which has improperly been extended to the whole tribe.

[10] The "compulsive" form of the verb choloa, to run away, is chololtia, to cause to run away, to drive out. No doubt the name of Cholula (Cholollan) in Mexico is of the same derivation, but it arose from a different, though similar, historical event.

[11] Torquemada appears to have been the first to make this guess; and it has recently been advocated by Dr. Valentini, The Olmecas and the Tultecas, p. 20 (Worcester, 1883), and was also sanctioned by Dr. Berendt.

[12] In a note to his translation of Oviedo's Nicaragua.

[13] The proper spelling is "Chapanec." It is not an Aztec word, but from the Mangue tongue, in which Chapa means the ara, or red macaw, their sacred bird. The name was derived from that of the lofty peak on which their principal town in Chiapas was situated—chapa niiu, the ara of fire.

[14] In Mr. Bancroft's Native Races of the Pacific States, Vol. V, p. 659.

[15] The contrary of this has been very positively stated by Dr. Valentini (ubi supra). The only evidence he brings forward is the word calachuni, for chieftain, applied by Gil Gonzalez to one of the rulers in Nicaragua. This is, no doubt, the Maya halach uinic, holy man, but Gonzalez wrote in 1522, and this word was adopted by the Spaniards in 1518, during Grijalva's expedition to Yucatan, as the accounts show, and was promiscuously applied, just as cacique, canoe, etc., from the Haytian dialect. A careful analysis of all the native words in Oviedo's account of Nicaragua does not show a single Maya affinity.

[16] The chief asked Gonzalez if, at the end of the world, the earth would be overturned, or would the sky fall? How large are the stars, why they move, and what keeps them in their courses? When, and how do the sun and moon change their brightness? Why is the night dark and the winter cold, since light and warmth are so much better? (Herrera, Decad. III, Lib. IV, cap. V.)

[17] The leading authorities on the antiquities of Nicaragua are E. G. Squier, Nicaragua, Its People, Scenery and Monuments, together with his numerous other works pertaining to Central America; and the reports of Dr. Earl Flint and Dr. J. F. Bransford, to the Smithsonian Institution. Dr. Habel and Dr. Berendt also made numerous investigations, but their reports have not appeared in adequate detail.

[18] See his essay, Remarks on the Centres of Ancient American Civilization in Central America, and their Geographical Distribution, in the Bulletin of the American Geog. Soc. No. 2, 1876.

[19] Historia General de las Indias, Lib. XLII, cap. V.

[20] The older writers have left scant information about these idioms. Oviedo preserved thirty or forty Nahuatl words, most of which have been analyzed by Buschman; and Benzoni, in a brief passage, notes the identity of the Nicaraguan and Mexican. "Chiamano li Signori Tutruane, il pane tascal, and le galline totoli, and occomaia tanto vuol dire como aspetta un poco e al infirmita mococoua and al ballare mitote." La Historia del Mondo Nuovo, p. 103. It is said that a Doctrina was printed in the Mangue; but the only work on that tongue I know of is the Apuntamientos de la Lengua Mangue, by Don Juan Eligio de la Rocha (MS. Masaya, 1842) a fragment of which is in my possession.

Dr. S. Habel, who visited Nicaragua in 1865, in spite of the greatest efforts, was unable to find a single person speaking Nahuatl; they told him it was all forgotten.—Archæological and Ethnological Investigations in Central and South America, p. 24 (Washington, 1878).

[21] The superior position of the Nahuatl among the Nicaraguan languages was noted by Benzoni, in his visit to that country, as early as about 1550. He observes: "Parlano in Nicaragua quatro lenguaggi, pero la meglio è la Messicana, laquale si stende piu di mille e cinquecento miglia di paese and è la piu facile da imparare."—Istoria del Nuovo Mondo, p. 103 (Venetia, 1565).

[22] "Una mezcla de Castellano y Mexicano, que ni en uno ni en otro idioma se entiende."—Compendio del Arte de la Lengua Mexicana, pp. 93, 202.

[23] Speaking of the natives of Nicaragua and Honduras, Father Francisco Vasquez says: "Muchos de aquellos Indios por la comunicacion que tienen con gente ladina de las estancias vecinas alcanzan mucho de la lengua Castellana."—Historia de la Provincia de Guatemala. Parte II, Lib. V, Trat. I, Cap. 1 (Guatemala, 1716).

[24] This verse is from a song by Dr. Gollena, a highly appreciated poet of Guatemala, who has written, but I believe never published, some poems in the Nicaraguan dialect.

[25] Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Lib. XLII, cap. XI. Precisely this baile, or one altogether like it, is described by Diego Duran as common in Mexico in his day (about 1580). He writes: "Tambien usaban bailar al rededor de un volador alto vistiendose como pájaros y otras veces como monas volaban de lo alto de el dejandose venir por unas cuerdas que en la punta de este palo estan arolladas, desliándose poco à poco por un bastidor que tiene arriba," etc.—Historia de las Indias de Nueva España. Tomo II, p. 232 (Mexico, 1880).

[26] Historia del Nuovo Mondo, fol. 103 (Venetia, 1565). Benzoni gives a wood cut exhibiting the dances, but it is not instructive. Another traveler, François Coreal, claimed to have visited Nicaragua about 1680, and also describes the native dances, but in words so similar to Benzoni that it is an evident plagiarism.—Relation des Voyages de François Coreal aux Indes Occidentales, Tome I, p. 88 (Amsterdam, 1722).

[27] Thomas Gage, A New Survey of the West Indies, p. 234 (4th Ed. London, 1699).

[28] Letter to the London Athæneum, 1856, p. 1537. Oviedo also states that the songs sung at certain bailes were of an historical character, intended to recall the important incidents in personal and tribal history, "que les quedan en lugar de historia é memoria de las cosas pasadas."—Historia General de las Indias, Lib. XLII, cap. XI.

[29] "Hay santos à quienes se hace el voto, en caso de enfermedad ú de desgracia de ir á bailar ante su imagen, en tal pueblo, el dia de su fiesta, cuando le sacan procesionalmente."—Pablo Levy, Notas Geograficas y Económicas sobre la Republica de Nicaragua, p. 281 (Paris, 1873).

[30] "Welligt blijkt de geesteloosheid dezer menschen nit niets zoo zeer als uit hunne dansen, een vermaak, hetwelk trouwens vrij zeldzaam onder hen is. Bij het eentoonige geluid van een paar fluiten, en het kloppen op een hol blok hout, draaijen mannen en vrouwen afzonderlijk, langzaam en bedaard, in alle rigtingen herom, en schijnen veeleer diepe treurigheid dan vreugde aan den dag te leggen."—J. Haefkens, Centraal Amerika, p. 407 (Dordrecht, 1832).

[31] Such dances are the "bailes usados en el populacho, y que estan muy lejos de brillar por su desencia," referred to by Don Pablo Levy, Notas, etc., sobre Nicaragua, p. 294.

[32] The word Loga is, I have no doubt, a corruption of the Spanish loa. The loas in Spain were at first rhymed prologues to the plays, but later took a more dramatic form and "differed little from the farces that followed them." See George Ticknor, History of Spanish Literature, vol. ii, pp. 527-529 (5th edition).

[33] "Mosote. Un casco ô gorra de cabuya teñida negra, con cola à trensa, usada en el baile de los Chinegritos."—Berendt, MSS.

[34] "Guaca. Montecillo de sepultura de los inhabitantes antiguos. Cueva; madriguera de animales. Hoyo subteraneo para madurar ô guardar frutas y verduras."—Berendt, MSS.

[35] Nicaragua, Its People, Scenery and Monuments, Vol. I, p. 340.

[36] Narrative of Incidents on a Journey in Mexico, Guatemala and San Salvador, pp. 384-6 (London, 1858). The Smithsonian Institution contains a good specimen of the Marimba.

[37] Arthur Morelet, Voyage dans l'Amerique Centrale, Tome II, pp. 42, 43 (Paris, 1857).

[38] Archæological Researches in Nicaragua, p. 75 (Washington, 1881).

[39] The most satisfactory discussion of native music is that by Theodore Baker, Ueber die Musik der Nord Amerikanischen Wilden (Leipzig, 1882). Mr. Edwin A. Barber has also contributed some valuable articles on the subject.

[40] The American Naturalist, February, 1883.

[41] Voyage dans l'Amerique Centrale, Tom. II, p. 44.

[42] So little is understood about the system of the cofradias, and the point is one of so much importance in the study of the organization of Spanish ecclesiasticism in America, that it is worth while to explain it. They are created by the priest of a parish, in such number as he sees fit, and each bears the name of a saint or religious occurrence. Each should have, of male members, a major domo, a steward (prioste), and four or more appointees (diputados). They attend the priest, serve in the church, aid in the offices of religion, have a monthly mass, act as choristers, etc., at fixed periods. Of female members there should be the patroness (patrona or capitana), and the alguazila mayor, each of whom should have two special attendants, and there should be other members. Their duties are to sweep the church, deck it with flowers when necessary, and aid the male members in their duty. Each cofradia should have its strong box and financial resources, independently, and the major domo is expected to keep a book accounting for the funds. I have in my possession such a volume, in the Chapanec language, the Libro de Cuentas de la Cofradia del Rosario, 1796.

From ten to fifty cofradias were formerly attached to one church, but the modern curas complain that they can no longer be kept up. "Es verdad," exclaims the worthy presbyter Navarro, "que los Sres. Curas, mis antecessores, y yo, hemos procurado organizarlas de nuevo, pero es moralmente impossible."—Memoria de la Parroquia de Villa Nueva, p. 18. (Guatemala, 1868).

[43] See, for example, the Rabinal-Achi, ou le Drame-Ballet du Tun, in Kiche, published by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, and the translation of the song of the Uluas of Nicaragua given by Pablo Levy.—Notas sobre la Republica de Nicaragua, p. 307 (Paris, 1873).

[44] "Il y en a qui font les sourds, d'autres les aveugles. Ils rient, ils crient, et font en un mot toute sorte de singeries."—Voyages de François Coreal aux Indes Occidentales depuis 1666 jusqu'en 1697. Tom. I, p. 88 (Amsterdam, 1722). Borrowed, probably, from Benzoni, who says the same.

[45] "Habia un baile y canto de truhanes en el cual introducian un bobo que fingia entender al reves lo que su amo le mandaba, trastocandole las palabras."—P. F. Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de la Nueva España, Tomo II, p. 231 (Mexico, 1880).

[46] As Mr. George Ticknor very pointedly says, in speaking of the Spanish drama:—"Above all, it was necessary that it should be Spanish; and therefore, though its subject be Greek or Roman, Oriental or mythological, the characters represented were always Castilian, and Castilian after the fashion of the seventeenth century,—governed by Castilian notions of gallantry, and the Castilian point of honor."—History of Spanish Literature, vol II, p. 539 (5th edition).

[47] Speaking of the comedy, he says:—"Ihr wahrer allgemeiner Nutzen liegt in dem Lachen selbst, in der Uebung unserer Fähigkeit das Lächerliche zu bemerken; es unter allen Bemäntelungen der Leidenschaft und der Mode, es in allen Vermischungen mit noch schlimmern oder mit guten Eigenschaften, sogar in den Runzeln des feierlichen Ernstes, leicht und geschwind zu bemerken."—Hamburgische Dramaturgie, 29 Stück.

[48] Tlatoani means, literally, "the speaker," from tlatoa, to speak, to ask, but it is translated by the Spanish lexicographers "gran señor." The chiefs were probably so called, from their right of speech in the assemblies. Benzoni gives something like this as the title of the Nicaraguan chiefs. "Chiamano li Signori Tutruane," which I suspect is a misprint for Tattruani.—Istoria del Mondo Nuovo, p. 103 (Venetia, 1565).

[49] Icazbalceta's discussion of the name may be found in his notes to the Diálogos de Francisco Cervantes Salazar, p. 181 (Mexico, 1875). Malinalli is the twelfth day of the Mexican month. According to Duran, the word means underbrush (matorral), and the prognostic was, that those born on that day should have an annual attack of sickness, like this underbrush, which dries up, or loses its leaves yearly.—Historia de la Nueva España, Tomo II, p. 261 (Mexico, 1880).

[50] See the rare work of Fray Joan Baptista (often spelled Bautista). Advertencias para los Confessores de los Naturales, vols. 107, 108 (Mexico, en el Convento de Sanctiago Tlatilulco, año 1600).

Introduction.	PAGE
§ 1. The Nahuas and Mangues of Nicaragua.	v
Location of the Nahuas of Nicaragua,	v
Derivation of the word Nicaragua,	v
Origin of the Nicaraguan Nahuas,	vi
Location of the Mangues,	viii
Why called Chorotecas,	viii
Relationship to the Chapanecs,	ix
Culture level of the Nahuas,	x
Of the Mangues,	x
Disappearance of their languages,	xi
Comparison of the Nahuatl of Nicaragua and of Mexico,	xiii
Comparison of the Mangue with the Chapanec,	xiii
Differences between Nicaraguan and pure Nahuatl,	xiv
Comparison of the Mangue or Chapanec, of Central America, with the Aymara, of Peru,	xv
Development of the Nahuatl-Spanish jargon,	xvii
Specimens of it,	xvii
§ 2. The Bailes or Dramatic Dances of Nicaragua.	xix
Oviedo's description,	xx
Symbolism of the dance,	xxii
Benzoni's description,	xxii
Gage's remarks,	xxii
Historical character of the dances,	xxiii
Five classes of dances,	xxiii
Purpose and characters,	xxiv
The Logas,	xxv
Las Inditas,	xxv
The Chinegritos,	xxvi
The Negritos,	xxvi
Toro-Guaca and other dances,	xxvi
The drama of the Ollita,	xxvii
§ 3. Nicaraguan Musical Instruments and Music.	xviii
The Marimba, its form and origin,	xxviii
The Drum,	xxx
The Ollita or Musical Jar,	xxxi
The Pito or Whistle,	xxxiii
Specimens of Airs,	xxxiv
The long Flute,	xxxv
The Juco,	xxxv
The Quijongo or Carimba,	xxxvi
The Chilchil or Ayacachtli,	xxxvi
The Cacho,	xxxvii
Character of native music,	xxxvii
Air of the Malinche,	xxxviii
Choruses and Cofradias,	xxxviii
Melodies from the Güegüence,	xl
§ 4. History of the "Baile del Güegüence."	xli
Whence the text was obtained,	xli
Time and manner of its rehearsal,	xli
Age of the play,	xlii
Reasons for considering it a native production	xlii
How different from the Spanish comedy,	xliii
Native plots of similar character,	xliv
Native comedians,	xlv
§ 5. The Dramatis Personæ of the Güegüence.	xlv
The Güegüence,	xlv
Derivation of the name,	xlv
Character,	xlv
Malicious humor,	xlvi
Costume,	xlvi
Don Forcico and Don Ambrosio,	xlvi
Contrast of actions,	xlvii
The Governor Tastuanes,	xlvii
Derivation of the name,	xlvii
Minor characters,	xlvii
The lady Suchi Malinche,	xlvii
Derivation of the name,	xlvii
The mules,	xlvii
Their costume,	xlviii
§ 6. Epitome of the Story of the Güegüence.	xlviii
THE GÜEGÜENCE; A COMEDY.	3
Notes to the Güegüence.	75
Vocabulary.	83
Index.	93

English.	Nahuatl of Nicaragua.	Nahuatl of Anahuac.
God,	teot.	teotl.
Man,	tlacat.	tlacatl.
Woman,	ciuat.	ciuatl.
Head,	tzonteco.	totzontecon.
Foot,	hixt.	ycxitl.
Dog,	izcuindi.	itzcuintli.
Deer,	mazat.	mazatl.
Rabbit,	toste.	tochtli.
Fire,	tlet.	tletl.
Water,	at.	atl.
House,	calli.	calli.
Maize,	centl.	centli.
Rain,	quiavit.	quiahuitl.
Flower,	sochit.	xochitl.
Wind,	hecat.	ehecatl.
Snake	coat.	coatl.
Eagle,	oate.	quauhtli.
Flint,	topecat.	tecpatl.
Mountain,	tepec.	tepec.
One,	ce.	ce.
Two,	ome.	ome.
Three,	ye.	yei.
Four,	nau.	naui.
Five,	macuil.	macuilli.

English.	Mangue of Nicaragua.	Mangue of Anahuac.
Man (homo),	ndijpu.	dipaju.
Man (vir),	nyu'a.	nŏjue, naha.
Woman,	najui.	najui.
Father,	gooha.	youa, poua.
Mother,	ngumu.	goma. [xiv]
Head,	gu t[chi]ima.	t[chi]ima.
Eye,	nahte.	nate.
Ear,	nyujui.	nojŭa.
Foot,	ngra.	taku.
Ruler (or chief),	mánkeme.	d[chi]amá or mangheme
Dog,	nyumbí.	numbí.
Mouse,	nangi.	nangi.
Bird,	nyuri.	nuri.
Snake,	nule.	nulú.
Fire,	nyayu.	nĭĭú.
Water,	nimbu.	nimbu.
House,	nangu.	nangu.
Maize,	nama.	nama.
Wind,	nitĭú.	tijú.
Hill,	diri, tiri.	dili.
One,	tike.	tike.
Two,	jami.	jumiji.
Three,	hajmi.	jamiji.
Four,	haeme.	jŭamiji.
Five,	jagusmi.	jaŏmiji.

English.	Mangue or Chapanec.	Aymara.
Father,	poua (C).	pucara.
Man,	naha (C).	chacha.
Child,	nasungi (N).	iñasu.
Ear,	nyuhui (N).	hinchu.
Eye,	nahte (N).	nahui.
Bone,	nyui (N).	cayu.
Fire,	niiu (C), nyayu (N).	nina.
Water,	nimbu (C).	vma.
River,	naju (C).	mayu, jahu.
Wind,	tihu (C).	thaa.
Feathers,	lari (C).	lauralua (colored).
Maize,	nama (C).	ccama.
Earth,	nekapu (C).	ñeke, clay, yapu, soil.
Sky,	naku paju (C).	hanac (or alakh) pacha.
Blind,	saapi (C).	saapi.
Dumb,	napamu (C).	amu.
Great,	yáka (C).	haccha.
Bitter,	átsi (C).	cata.
Dead,	tuhua (C).	hihua.
To eat,	koita (N).	kauita (to eat apples, etc).
Food,	nomota (C).	mamata.
To go,	ota (C).	aatha.
Thou,	çimo (C).	huma.
You (pl),	çimecmo (C).	humasa.