The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction. Volume 20, No. 561, August 11, 1832
    
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: The Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction. Volume 20, No. 561, August 11, 1832

Author: Various

Release date: March 1, 2004 [eBook #11695]
                Most recently updated: October 28, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Jonathan Ingram, David King, and the Online Distributed
        Proofreading Team


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MIRROR OF LITERATURE, AMUSEMENT, AND INSTRUCTION. VOLUME 20, NO. 561, AUGUST 11, 1832 ***

THE MIRROR OF LITERATURE, AMUSEMENT, AND INSTRUCTION.

VOL. 20. No. 561.]      SATURDAY, AUGUST 11, 1832.       [PRICE 2d.

       *       *       *       *       *




BURNHAM ABBEY


[Illustration: BURNHAM ABBEY, From a Sketch, by a Correspondent.]

Burnham is a village of some consideration, in Buckinghamshire, and
gives name to a deanery and hundred. Its prosperity has been also
augmented by the privilege of holding three fairs annually. It is
situate in the picturesque vicinity of Windsor, about five miles from
that town, and three miles N.E. of Maidenhead. It was anciently a place
of much importance. One of the few relics of its greatness is the
ivy-mantled ruin represented in the above Engraving. So late as the
fourteenth century, Burnham could also boast of a royal palace within
its boundary: but, alas! the wand of Prospero has long since touched its
gorgeousness, so as to “leave not a rack behind.”

The ruin stands about one mile south of the village, and is part of an
Augustine nunnery, built in the year 1228, by Richard, Earl of Cornwall,
and brother of Henry the Third. He was a vexatious thorn in the crown of
Henry, whose long and confused reign, “were it not that for the first
time it exhibits the elements of the English constitution in a state of
disorderly fermentation, would scarcely deserve the consideration of the
philosopher and the politician.”[1] One of Richard’s fraternal acts was
placing himself at the head of a formidable confederacy, to which Henry
was obliged to yield. The papal power was at this time at its greatest
height; Richard had been elected King of the Romans, and from the spoil
obtained by the monstrous exactions of his court, he may be presumed to
have erected the above nunnery. Of this system of pious plunder we have
many proud architectural memorials; though to rob with one hand, and
found religious houses with the other, reminds one of the trade of a
waterman--to look one way and row the other.

    [1] Sir James Mackintosh.

The nunnery was richly endowed with several of the neighbouring manors;
the remains are now used as the out-offices of an adjoining farm. Little
can be traced of the “studious cloister,” the “storied window,” or the
“high embowed roof;” but the ivy climbs with parasitic fondness over its
gable, or thrusts its rootlets as holdfasts into its crumbling wall. The
dates of these ruins claim the attention of the speculative antiquary.
The chimney, though of great age, did not of course belong to the
original building; the earliest introduction of chimneys into this
country being stated, (but without proof,) to be in the year 1300. The
upper window, and the arched doorway are in the early English style
prevalent at the date of the foundation; the former has the elegant
lancet-shape of the earliest specimens.

       *       *       *       *       *


A DREAM OF THE BEAUTIFUL.


  “Another scene where happiness is sought!
  A festive chamber with its golden hues,
  Its dream-like sounds, and languishing delights.”

                   R. MONTGOMERY.


  I stood in the light of the festive hall,
  Gorgeously wrought was its pictured wall;
  And the strings of the lute replied in song,
  To the heart-breathed lays of the vocal throng.

  Oh! rich were the odours that floated there,
  O’er the swan-like neck and the bosom fair;
  And roses were mingled with sparkling pearls,
  On the marble brow, and the cluster’d curls.

  I stood in that hall, and my lips were mute,
  And my spirit entranced with the elfin lute;
  And the eyes that look’d on me seem’d fraught with love,
  As the stars that make Night more divine above.

  A sorrowful thought o’er my spirit came,
  Like thunder-clouds kindling with gloom and flame;
  For I knew that those forms in the dust would lie,
  And no passionate lips to their songs reply.

  But the music recalled me, the hall glow’d with light,
  And burst like a vision of heaven on my sight;
  “Oh! thus,” I exclaimed, “will dark feelings depart,
  When the sunshine of beauty descends on the heart!”

                 G.R. CARTER.

       *       *       *       *       *




TRAGEDY AND COMEDY.


It has been observed by an able and popular writer[2] of the present
day, that the following proposition, though very generally received, is
far from being a true one: “Tragedy improves and exalts the nature of
man, while Comedy has a tendency to lower it.” Now I profess also to
believe rather in the converse of this proposition, and shall endeavour
in this essay to establish that belief in the minds of my readers, by
the same line of argument that originally induced me to adopt it. With
the generality of persons, who are not in the habit of reasoning upon
subjects of this nature, this question would perhaps be decided, and the
preference awarded to either species of the drama, according to the
peculiar organization of each person: I mean, that those who are
naturally grave, would be more gratified by being affected, and by
having an appeal made to their feelings; while on the other hand, those
who are of a freer temperament, and never dream of brooding over
misfortune, would doubtless prefer being amused. If this remark carries
any weight with it, egotism will be so far necessary to my argument,
that I may be excused for saying thus much:--I suspect myself to be
classed, by nature, under the first of these divisions, and am the more
entitled to a fair hearing, because I argue against feeling and natural
inclination.

    [2] Lord John Russell.

Perhaps I shall be able to lay more clearly before the reader, my
reasoning on this interesting as well as important subject, by
considering Tragedy and Comedy respectively, under three distinct
heads:--1st. with respect to the particular sphere or province of each;
2ndly, their plot and characters; and 3rdly, the end or design in view.

First, then, as to the province of Tragedy. Tragedy professes to be a
representation of all the high passions that influence the mind, such as
jealousy, hatred, or revenge; it can have nothing to do with vanity or
any other of the petty passions, for a course of action dependent on
them would appear as insignificant in Tragedy as the passions
themselves. Now, what possible advantage, in the way of improvement, can
be derived from witnessing a display of all the odious passions of our
nature? Some benefit might indeed be derived, if a moral were attached
to Tragedy, but it has no moral (at least very rarely) and for this
simple reason: Tragedy professes to be a speaking picture of life,--and
it is a melancholy but true reflection, that as in real life we see the
deserving depressed, and the bad man flourishing in the world, so also
it ought to be in Tragedy. Let us take _Macbeth_ or _Richard the Third_
as examples of this: we see here two men, by a succession of crime,
arriving at the pinnacle of their ambition, and rewarded for giving way
to their passions. There is little or no moral in the death of either,
for every honest soldier in their armies was subjected to the same fate,
and many of course met with it; so far from being disgraceful, falling
in battle is regarded as an honourable end, and it is the death a brave
man might wish to die. Secondly, let us consider the plot in Tragedy,
and the characters it works with: the plot is rarely fictitious, but is
generally built either on fact, or on some event that the antiquated
errors of fable or history have made sacred; not having in this respect
the advantage which Comedy possesses from liberty of invention, and
correcting thereby the inequalities of life; and having also the
additional fault of laying its scenes for the most part in a foreign
country. The characters of Tragedy are always selected from high life;
here is a great defect, for it is by no means a true observation, that
men are inclined greatly to pity the misfortunes of their superiors; on
the contrary, they are secretly rejoiced at seeing them fall from a
situation so much above their own; whereas they sympathize more with
their equals, and take a much greater interest in a course of events
that is likely to occur to themselves. Thirdly, let us look to the end
that Tragedy has in view. The main object in a tragic representation is
to excite pity and terror in the spectators; in this definition I am
amply borne out by authority, for not only Gibbon, Addison, and others,
but Voltaire and even Aristotle, have used these very expressions; now
how can we be benefited by the excitement of these feelings? Pity is at
the best but a feminine virtue, and by giving way to it, the mind, if
not enervated, is at any rate not strengthened; and with regard to
terror, a man under its influence is incapable of any reflection
whatever. When we witness, for instance, the tragedy of _Macbeth_, the
mind, after such a scene of human villany is rather inclined to become
morbid than to feel either dignified or improved.

We will now turn to Comedy, which, in order to compare more
satisfactorily with Tragedy, we will consider under the same view.
First, then, the province of Comedy is with the follies and foibles or
our nature; it is generally, and it ought always to be, a speaking
picture of national faults, and should satirize the people of the
country where it is represented, by which means a much greater scope is
afforded for the improvement of the spectator. It is not so confined in
its sphere as Tragedy is, for it may affect as well as amuse; there
should be a proper mixture of gravity with mirth, and that succession of
ridiculous and pathetic events with which the life of man is variegated.
But the main superiority of Comedy consists in its having what Tragedy
wants, a moral. It is true that the enlightened portion of the audience
do not require this moral; no farther interested in the scene they
witness than as being spectators of it, they sit by in silence, void of
all passion, and learn in silence a lesson that speaks for itself, and
will have its certain effect on their future lives; but the greater part
of the audience, not being capable either of accurate reasoning or deep
reflection, require to be told what is right, and to have its
distinction from wrong pointed out to them; as in a fable, its point
would be useless to most men without its concomitant moral. Secondly,
the plot of Comedy (as I have said before) is for the most part
fictitious, and refers to national manners, the advantages of both which
peculiarities I have already had occasion to refer to; the characters
also being selected from private as well as public life, from low as
well as polite company, afford Comedy a far wider field to range in than
Tragedy can boast. Comedy introduces us to the cottage as well as the
palace, and displays the economy of one as well as the splendour of the
other; and it can amuse us with the intrigues of a citizen’s wife, as
well as interest us with the passion of a princess. We see also in
Comedy, as well as in the world itself, the despicable character of the
rake, and the disgusting vanity of the coquette; we learn to distinguish
between the different traits of character, and we soon find that those
whose language is that of men of honour, often act like knaves. It is
all this diversity that makes Comedy so pleasing as well as so
instructive. Thirdly, the end that Comedy has in view, is to bring about
improvement by exciting contempt and ridicule: by thus mixing ridicule
with vice, we feel a positive enjoyment in seeing it exposed, and it is
by this powerful engine that the manners of a people may be insensibly
improved. A satirical exhibition will at all times explode vice better
than serious argument; and it was from a conviction of this that the
Lacedemonians intoxicated their unhappy slaves in order that the
children of the state, by seeing the despicable state to which
drunkenness reduced a man, might learn a lesson that wanted no
explanation. In short, I think a theatrical representation may cure our
faults, but it can hardly subdue our more powerful vices; it may give a
check to our follies, but it will never succeed in curbing our passions.
When a man is under the sway of any particular passion, it is too firmly
rooted in his disposition to be eradicated by sitting a few hours in the
pit of a theatre; but with our petty foibles it is very different;
ridicule can, and often does, cure them, when it can be brought into
play against them; which, however, is not very often in real life, for a
man is more inclined to resent an attack upon his faults than his vices,
and would rather be thought the slave of his passions than be known to
have given way to a single weakness.

There is another great difference between Tragedy and Comedy, and that
is, with regard to diction: the language made use of by Comedy is
natural and proper, while that of Tragedy is laboured and elevated; we
meet not unfrequently with long declamation and sentences highly
polished, whereas passion never speculates in this manner; the feelings
of nature dictate the simplest language, and generally find a vent in
broken sentences, as we find them in the Greek tragedians.

The unities of the drama are rules which are the result of good sense,
and serve greatly to heighten the entertainment of the stage; they
undoubtedly tend to keep up the necessary illusion that we are
witnessing scenes in real life, and the more they are acted up to, the
greater is the merit of the piece, and the more perfect the effect
produced. Now, Comedy rarely breaks through these rules; for, from its
nature, the events recorded are frequently comprised within the space of
a day; and there is the same regard paid (as far as it is possible) to
unity of place as well as time. Tragedy, at least modern Tragedy, (with
the exception of _Cato_ and one or two more) entirely disregards these
rules, and we sometimes find the hero of the piece has grown ten years
older within the short space between the acts, or else that he has
travelled from one country to another in the same period of time. Thus,
in _Julius Caesar_, Brutus, in one act is at Rome, and another in
Thessaly. Again, in _Coriolanus_, now we find him expelled by the
Romans, afterwards residing amongst the Volscians, and eventually
marching an immense army to the gates of Rome; all within the space of
two or three hours: this is a sad blow to any scenic illusion, and tends
to weaken, if it does not entirely break, the thread of the imagination.

There is one point in which I consider both Tragedy and Comedy, in
modern days, to be at fault, and that is in the constant introduction of
love on our stage. We cannot frequent the theatre without being sickened
by the repetition of some nauseous courtship and love-making, the
particulars of which, even in real life, can be agreeable to none but
the parties themselves. This blemish is said to have arisen during the
earlier periods of the drama, from the vanity of the female sex; who,
however much they were kept under control, and their opinions
disregarded in ancient days, have amply made up for that restriction
now, by taking matters of taste entirely under their direction. It is
said, that when modern play-writing first came in fashion, the ladies
refused to honour the theatre with their presence, unless their
inclinations were more attended to, and love was made the burthen of the
song. Accordingly, we find even the pure taste of Addison giving in to
this demand, and the otherwise beautiful tragedy of _Cato_ (for even the
unities are preserved in it) is spoiled by two stupid love plots, that
not only disfigure it, but throw a complete weariness over the whole.
With the ancients it was very different, and amongst all those splendid
Greek compositions which are regarded as models for the drama, we find
none of them, with the exception of Hippolitus, in which there is any of
this trifling with love affairs.

Before I close these observations, let me add, that in looking at this
question, we must consent to throw off our national prejudices; and in
drawing the comparison, not to regard English plays, whether tragic or
comic, as the standards of perfection. English Comedy is not only
considered inferior to that of most nations, but it is in many respects
bad in its tendency, and may almost be looked upon as a school for
vanity. To conclude, instead of regarding the drama as it is, I have
rather endeavoured to consider it as it should be.

F.

       *       *       *       *       *




THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.


       *       *       *       *       *


REAL CHARACTER OF LOUIS XIV.


Concerning Louis the Fourteenth himself, the world seems at last to have
formed a correct judgment. He was not a great general; he was not a
great statesman; but he was, in one sense of the words, a great king.
Never was there so consummate a master of what our James the First would
have called king-craft,--of all those arts which most advantageously
display the merits of a prince, and most completely hide his defects.
Though his internal administration was bad,--though the military
triumphs which gave splendour to the early part of his reign were not
achieved by himself,--though his later years were crowded with defeats
and humiliations,--though he was so ignorant that he scarcely understood
the Latin of his mass-book,--though he fell under the control of a
cunning Jesuit and of a more cunning old woman,--he succeeded in passing
himself off on his people as a being above humanity. And this is the
more extraordinary, because he did not seclude himself from the public
gaze like those Oriental despots whose faces are never seen, and whose
very names it is a crime to pronounce lightly. It has been said that no
man is a hero to his valet;--and all the world saw as much of Louis the
Fourteenth as his valet could see. Five hundred people assembled to see
him shave and put on his breeches in the morning. He then kneeled down
at the side of his bed, and said his prayer, while the whole assembly
awaited the end in solemn silence,--the ecclesiastics on their knees,
and the laymen with their hats before their faces. He walked about his
gardens with a train of two hundred courtiers at his heels. All
Versailles came to see him dine and sup. He was put to bed at night in
the midst of a crowd as great as that which had met to see him rise in
the morning. He took his very emetics in state, and vomited majestically
in the presence of all the _grandes_ and _petites entrees_. Yet though
he constantly exposed himself to the public gaze in situations in which
it is scarcely possible for any man to preserve much personal dignity,
he to the last impressed those who surrounded him with the deepest awe
and reverence. The illusion which he produced on his worshippers can be
compared only to those illusions to which lovers are proverbially
subject during the season of courtship. It was an illusion which
affected even the senses. The contemporaries of Louis thought him tall.
Voltaire, who might have seen him, and who had lived with some of the
most distinguished members of his court, speaks repeatedly of his
majestic stature. Yet it is as certain as any fact can be, that he was
rather below than above the middle size. He had, it seems, a way of
holding himself, a way of walking, a way of swelling his chest and
rearing his head, which deceived the eyes of the multitude. Eighty years
after his death, the royal cemetery was violated by the revolutionists;
his coffin was opened; his body was dragged out; and it appeared that
the prince, whose majestic figure had been so long and loudly extolled,
was in truth a little man.

His person and his government have had the same fate. He had the art of
making both appear grand and august, in spite of the clearest evidence
that both were below the ordinary standard. Death and time have exposed
both the deceptions. The body of the great King has been measured more
justly than it was measured by the courtiers who were afraid to look
above his shoe-tie. His public character has been scrutinized by men
free from the hopes and fears of Boileau and Molière. In the grave, the
most majestic of princes is only five feet eight. In history, the hero
and the politician dwindles into a vain and feeble tyrant.--the slave of
priests and women,--little in war, little in government,--little in
every thing but the art of simulating greatness.

He left to his infant successor a famished and miserable people, a
beaten and humbled army, provinces turned into deserts by misgovernment
and persecution, factions dividing the court, a schism raging in the
church, an immense debt, an empty treasury, immeasurable palaces, an
innumerable household, inestimable jewels and furniture. All the sap and
nutriment of the state seemed to have been drawn to feed one bloated and
unwholesome excrescence. The nation was withered. The court was morbidly
flourishing. Yet it does not appear that the associations which attached
the people to the monarchy, had lost strength during his reign. He had
neglected or sacrificed their dearest interests; but he had struck their
imaginations. The very things which ought to have made him most
unpopular,--the prodigies of luxury and magnificence with which his
person was surrounded, while, beyond the enclosure of his parks, nothing
was to be seen but starvation and despair,--seemed to increase the
respectful attachment which his subjects felt for him.--_Edinburgh Rev._
(_just published_.)

       *       *       *       *       *


THE GRAND SECRET OF SUCCESS IN LIFE.


For all men doubtless obstructions abound; spiritual growth must be
hampered and stunted, and has to struggle through with difficulty,
if it do not wholly stop. We may grant too that, for a mediocre
character, the continual training and tutoring, from language-masters,
dancing-masters, posture-masters of all sorts, hired and volunteer,
which a high rank in any time and country assures, there will be
produced a certain superiority, or at worst, air of superiority, over
the corresponding mediocre character of low rank; thus we perceive,
the vulgar Do-nothing, as contrasted with the vulgar Drudge, is in
general a much prettier man; with a wider perhaps clearer outlook
into the distance; in innumerable superficial matters, however it
may be when we go deeper, he has a manifest advantage. But with the
man of uncommon character, again, in whom a germ of irrepressible
Force has been implanted, and _will_ unfold itself into some sort of
freedom,--altogether the reverse may hold. For such germs, too, there
is, undoubtedly enough, a proper soil where they will grow best, and
an improper one where they will grow worst. True also, where there is
a will, there is a way; where a genius has been given, a possibility,
a certainty of its growing is also given. Yet often it seems as if the
injudicious gardening and manuring were worse than none at all; and
killed what the inclemencies of blind chance would have spared. We find
accordingly that few Fredericks or Napoleons, indeed none since the
Great Alexander, who unfortunately drank himself to death too soon for
proving what lay in him, were nursed up with an eye to their vocation;
mostly with an eye quite the other way, in the midst of isolation and
pain, destitution and contradiction. Nay, in our own times, have we not
seen two men of genius, a Byron and a Burns: they both, by mandate of
Nature, struggle and must struggle towards clear manhood, stormfully
enough, for the space of six-and-thirty years; yet only the gifted
ploughman can partially prevail therein; the gifted peer must toil, and
strive, and shoot out in wild efforts, yet die at last in boyhood, with
the promise of his manhood still but announcing itself in the distance.
Truly, as was once written, “it is only the artichoke that will not
grow except in gardens: the acorn is cast carelessly abroad into the
wilderness, yet on the wild soil it nourishes itself, and rises to
be an oak.” All woodmen, moreover, will tell you that fat manure is
the ruin of your oak; likewise that the thinner and wilder your soil,
the tougher, more iron-textured is your timber,--though, unhappily,
also the smaller. So too with the spirits of men: they become pure
from their errors by suffering for them: he who has battled, were it
only with poverty and hard toil, will be found stronger, more expert,
than he who could stay at home from the battle, concealed among the
provision-wagons, or even not unwatchfully “abiding by the stuff.”
In which sense, an observer, not without experience of our time, has
said:--“Had I a man of clearly developed character (clear, sincere
within its limits), of insight, courage, and real applicable force
of head and of heart, to search for; and not a man of luxuriously
distorted character, with haughtiness for courage, and for insight and
applicable force, speculation and plausible show of force,--it were
rather among the lower than among the higher classes that I should look
for him.”

A hard saying, indeed, seems this same; that he, whose other wants were
all beforehand supplied; to whose capabilities no problem was presented
except even this, How to cultivate them to best advantage, should attain
less real culture than he whose first grand problem and obligation was
nowise spiritual culture, but hard labour for his daily bread! Sad
enough must the perversion be, where preparations of such magnitude
issue in abortion: and a so sumptuous heart with all its appliances can
accomplish nothing, not so much as necessitous nature would of herself
have supplied! Nevertheless, so pregnant is life with evil as with good;
to such height in an age rich, plethorically overgrown with means, can
means be accumulated in the wrong place, and immeasurably aggravate
wrong tendencies, instead of righting them, this sad and strange result
may actually turn out to have been realized.--_Edinburgh Rev. (just
published.)_

       *       *       *       *       *


SIR EGERTON BRYDGES.--THE LATE DUKE OF NORFOLK.

(_From Clavering’s Autobiography._)


I saw Sir Egerton Brydges in the streets, was introduced to him, and
recalled to his mind our rencontre at Mr. Carter’s at Deal, thirty years
ago. He walked feebly, was lame, and had been confined to his bed for
many months the preceding winter. He was pale, apparently grief-worn,
and had a most grave and melancholy countenance, and languid look; but
now and then flashed, both with eyes and words. He amused himself with
printing privately, and distributing among his friends a variety of
fragments. He complained bitterly of some London agents, who had cheated
him most enormously, and whom he was bringing before the Court of
Chancery. His common acquaintance complained that he was too grave for
them, and that he was deficient in wit and point. They said he was “all
sober sadness,” and that he had romantic views of life, and did not know
the human character. I had not sufficient conversation with him to judge
of this. He was intimate with d’Invernois, who spoke highly of him. He
had certainly none of our Irish vivacity, and fulness of imagery. He was
rather querulous and prolix, than piquant, and declaimed rather than
said sharp things. I said to him, “Why do you not endeavour, in your
writings, to accommodate yourself more to the public taste?” He
answered, in despair, “I cannot--I have no turn that way. I know the
value of the bon-mot, the sarcasm, and the epigram; but I have no
ability that way.” And it seemed true; he _had_ no ability that way.

When the old lineal Duke of Norfolk died--I think it was in 1778--the
pomp of that mighty house was much abased. His collateral successor, Mr.
Howard, of Graystock, was a man of mean and intemperate habits, which
were inherited by his son, the late duke, then known by the name of Lord
Surry, and who made himself conspicuous as a Whig, and by electioneering
contests and intrigues. With this last I was familiar, but soon saw that
I could put no trust in him. I wrote many political squibs at his
desire--not worth preserving; he was a man of a good deal of spleen,
personal as well as political. Charles Fox flattered him, that he might
have his aid to the party; but he did not love or respect him. He
married an Irishwoman for his first wife. I think his mother’s name was
Brockholes. It was amusing to see him in contest with the late Lord
Abingdon, whose power of speaking in the House (whatever mental
eccentricities he might have) was so great, that many preferred his
eloquence even to Lord Chatham’s. The duke was never at rest: he always
had some jobs in hand: by which he often put himself into pecuniary
embarrassment. His face was very much like that of Cardinal Howard,
Temp. Car. II., of whom there are so many engraved portraits. He prided
himself upon a common dress, very much like that of a yeoman, or rather
country schoolmaster. It was generally a grey coat, with black buttons,
and black waistcoat. I once asked him to use his interest for a relation
of mine; he readily promised--but never attempted to perform. He had a
personal antipathy to Pitt and Lord Grenville; and one of the constant
subjects of his jokes and raillery was the Grenville pedigree. A Mr.
Dallaway, a clergyman, was his private secretary, as earl-marshal; with
whom I once dined at the duke’s table; a large, heavy-looking man, who,
I was told, had written several books; but I presume he is deceased, as
I have not seen his name announced for a long while.

       *       *       *       *       *


MADAME DE STAËL.

(_From Lady Blessington’s Conversations with Lord Byron._)


Talking of literary women, Lord Byron said that Madame de Staël was
certainly the cleverest, though not the most agreeable woman he had ever
known. “She declaimed to you instead of conversing with you,” said he,
“never pausing except to take breath; and if during that interval a
rejoinder was put in, it was evident that she did not attend to it, as
she resumed the thread of her discourse as though it had not been
interrupted.” This observation from Byron was amusing enough, as we had
all made nearly the same observation on him, with the exception that he
listened to, and noticed, any answer made to his reflections. “Madame de
Staël,” continued Byron, was very eloquent when her imagination warmed,
(and a very little excited it;) her powers of imagination were much
stronger than her reasoning ones, perhaps owing to their being much more
frequently exercised; her language was recondite, but redundant, and
though always flowery, and often brilliant there was an obscurity that
left the impression that she did not perfectly understand what she
endeavoured to render intelligible to others. She was always losing
herself in philosophical disquisition, and once she got entangled in the
mazes of the labyrinth of metaphysics; she had no clue by which she
could guide her path--the imagination that led her into her
difficulties, could not get her out of them; the want of a mathematical
education, which might have served as a ballast to steady and help her
into the port of reason, was always visible, and though she had great
tact in concealing her defeat, and covering a retreat, a tolerable
logician must have always discovered the scrapes she got into. Poor dear
Madame de Staël, I shall never forget seeing her one day, at table with
a large party, when the busk (I believe you ladies call it) of her
corset forced its way through the top of the corset, and would not
descend though pushed by all the force of both hands of the wearer, who
became crimson from the operation. After fruitless efforts, she turned
in despair to the valet de chambre behind her chair, and requested him
to draw it out, which could only be done by his passing his hand from
behind over her shoulder, and across her chest, when, with a desperate
effort, he unsheathed the busk. Had you seen the faces of some of the
English ladies of the party, you would have been like me, almost
convulsed; while Madame remained perfectly unconscious that she had
committed any solecism on _la décence Anglaise_. Poor Madame de Staël
verified the truth of the lines--

  “Qui de son sexe n’a pas l’esprit,
  De son sexe a tout le malheur.”

She _thought_ like a man, but, alas! she _felt_ like a woman; as witness
the episode in her life with Monsieur Rocca, which she dared not avow,
(I mean her marriage with him,) because she was more jealous of her
reputation as a writer than a woman, and the faiblesse de coeur, this
alliance proved she had not courage to _affiche_.--_New Monthly Mag._

       *       *       *       *       *




THE TOPOGRAPHER.


       *       *       *       *       *


REMARKABLE CAVES AT CRAVEN, IN YORKSHIRE.


The village of Malham is situated in a deep and verdant bottom,
defective only in wood, at the union of two narrow valleys, respectively
terminated at the distance of a mile by the Cove and Gordale. The first
of these is an immense crag of limestone, 286 feet high, stretched in
the shape of the segment of a large circle, across the whole valley, and
forming a termination at once so august and tremendous, that the
imagination can scarcely figure any form or scale of rock within the
bounds of probability that shall go beyond it. The approach to this
place, before the invention of machinery, was solitary and
characteristic. It is now polluted by one of those manufactories, of
which it would be trifling to complain as nuisances only in the eye of
taste. Yet there are streams sufficiently copious, and valleys
sufficiently deep, which man can neither mend nor spoil. These might be
abandoned to such deformed monsters without regret; but who that has
either taste or eyes can endure them, when combined with such scenery as
the environs of Malham, or the Banks of the Wharf.

                           Coarse complexions
  And cheeks of every grain will serve to ply
  The sampler, and to teaze the housewife’s wool;
  What need a vermeil, tinctured lip for that,
  Love-darting eyes, and tresses like the morn?

The approach to Gordale on the east side of the village, happily remains
what nature left it, a stony and desolate valley, without a single
object to divert the eye from the scene before it. This is a solid mass
of limestone, of perhaps equal height with the Cove, cleft asunder by
some great convulsion of nature, and opening its “ponderous and marble
jaws” on the right and left. The sensation of horror on approaching it
is increased by the projection of either side from its base, so that the
two connivant rocks, though considerably distant at the bottom, admit
only a narrow line of daylight from above. At the very entrance you turn
a little to the right, and are struck by a yawning mouth in the face of
the opposite crag, whence the torrent pent up beyond, suddenly forced a
passage, within the memory of man, which at every swell continues to
spout out one of the boldest and most beautiful cataracts that can be
conceived.

Wherever a cleft in the rock, or a lodgment of earth appears, the
yew-tree, indigenous in such situations, contrasts its deep and glossy
green with the pale grey of the limestone; but the goat, the old
adventurous inhabitant of situations, inaccessible to every other
quadruped, has been lately banished from the sides of Gordale. But the
wonders of this place are not confined to its surface. In mining for
lapis calaminaris, two caverns have been discovered near the Tarn, which
though of no easy access, will reward the enterprising visitant, not by
the amplitude of their dimensions, in which they are exceeded by several
in Craven, but by that rich and elaborate finishing which in the works
of nature, as well as of art, is always required to give an interest to
diminutive objects. The first of these resembles a small rotunda, not
more than six yards in diameter, and five or six in height, but clothed
with fleecy incrustations, from which depend stalactites of various
depth, and tinged with various hue, from the faintest yellow to saffron.
The lapidescent drops distilling from these through a long course of
ages, have gradually raised the floor of the cavern, so as to render it
difficult to pass between the edges of the new surface and the
circumference of the cavern.

Beyond is a second excavation about fourteen yards long: ten in width,
where broadest, and eight in height; proportions which an architect
would have chosen. At the highest extremity of this appears a recess
formed entirely of petrified matter, around which the irregular
projections of native rock are covered with an incrustation white as
snow; and in many parts appear stalactites suspended from point to
point, like light festoons of ice, which, if struck, return all the
notes of musical glasses. In the midst of this recess arises from a
pedestal, clear almost as glass, an amber altar. Beneath, but still in
the roof of the cavern, is another circular excavation resembling an
immense helmet, which seems to be lined with rich satin, and is fringed
with rows of yellow stalactite about the edges. Those who suffer their
imaginations to wanton in the scenes of subterranean demonology, may
here discover the cabinet of the “Swart Faery of the Mine,” while the
sober geologist will find matter of rational and curious speculation; he
will detect nature herself at work on a process uniformly advancing; so
that by piercing the perpendicular depth of the incrustation on the
floor of the first cavern, and by comparing with accuracy the additional
laminae, which in a few years will be superinduced, he may ascertain
with tolerable exactness, the period which has elapsed since those
mighty convulsions by which these caverns have been produced.--
_Whitaker’s History of Craven._

       *       *       *       *       *




SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY


       *       *       *       *       *


M. Chaptal


[Illustration: M. Chaptal]

M. Chaptal, the celebrated chemist, born at Montpellier in 1755, died a
few days since at Paris, in his 77th year. He studied medicine and
natural philosophy when very young, and under promising patronage.
Before the Revolution he published some valuable works, and formed two
or three chemical establishments, and for his successful labours the
King had given him the order of St Michael. When the Revolution began,
M. Chaptal headed the insurgents at Montpellier, who took possession of
the citadel in 1791.

The reputation of Chaptal as a chemist being well established, he was
called to Paris in 1793, by the committee of public safety, to be
consulted relative to the making of gunpowder and the production of
saltpetre. It must be in the memory of all those who recollect the
history of the first years of the French Revolution, that the want of
saltpetre, the principal ingredient in gunpowder, had nearly put an end
to the war; and as France had shut the ports of all nations against
herself, no other resource remained but to produce the saltpetre at
home. Before Chaptal was sent for, a manufactory, for this purpose, had
been established at Grenelles, near Paris; but it was insufficient for
the immense demand. Chaptal soon, by his skill and activity, so improved
this establishment, that it supplied all that was wanted, and this at a
time when France had about 1,400,000 soldiers.[3]

    [3] The theory of this artificial formation of saltpetre is
    detailed by Chaptal, in _Annales de Chimie_, tom. xx.--The bulk
    of saltpetre used in this country is brought from the East
    Indies, where, at certain seasons of the year, it is found
    deposited on the surface of the soil. It is swept off once or
    twice a week, and as often renewed. At Apulia, near Naples,
    there is a bed containing 40 per cent. of it; and in Switzerland
    the farmers extract it in abundance from the earth under the
    stalls of the cattle. In the reign of Charles I. great attention
    was paid to the making of saltpetre in England. Certain
    patentees were authorized by royal proclamation to dig up the
    floors of all dove-houses, stables, &c. In France, the plaster
    of old walls is washed to separate the nitrate of lime, which is
    a soluble salt, and this, by means of potash, or muriate of
    potash, is afterwards converted into nitre. Mr. Bowles, in his
    Introduction to the Natural History of Spain, assures us there
    is enough saltpetre in that country to supply all Europe for
    ever.

Chaptal returned to Montpellier in 1794, and soon obtained a place in
the administration of the department of Herault, and a professorship of
chemistry in the university of Montpellier, which the Directory created
expressly as a reward for his services. In 1798, Chaptal revisited
Paris, and aided the Revolution by which, in 1799, Buonaparte became
First Consul. In the following year Chaptal was made Minister of the
Interior, in which important office he imparted new energy to all the
manufacturing establishments of France, as well as founded many public
schools upon improved systems of education. In 1804 he was dismissed
from the Ministry for his refusing to sanction a report stating sugar
from beet-root to be superior to that from the cane.[4]

    [4] This was twenty-eight years since. A writer in an English
    journal observed three years since, “it is difficult to conceive
    that one half of the sugar consumed in Great Britain, or in all
    Europe, will not, in a few years, be home-made beet-root sugar.”
    In France the manufacture of sugar from beet-root, like that of
    saltpetre, was dictated by necessity, the former through the
    capture of the French colonies by Great Britain, during the late
    war. It is now an important manufacture in that country, as well
    as a branch of domestic economy, the sugar being made by
    housewives, and requiring not more skill or trouble than
    cheese-making or brewing.

Chaptal now retired from political life, and established a chemical
manufactory in the neighbourhood of Paris; but he was soon after chosen
a member of the Conservative Senate, and made grand officer of the
Legion of Honour. In 1806, he was present at the placing of the trophied
column in the Place Vendome, to commemorate the battle of Austerlitz.
Chaptal was soon after made a Count, and received the grand cross of the
Legion of Honour.

In 1813, when the Allies began to approach the French frontiers, Chaptal
was dispatched to support the falling power of Napoleon; he failed to do
so; and when the Austrians approached the capital, he retired to
Clermont, but after the taking of Paris he hastened to the city. He was
made a member of the Academy of Sciences upon its re-organization.

Upon the return of Napoleon from Elba, he named Chaptal director-general
of manufactures and commerce, and immediately after minister of state,
in which latter capacity he pronounced, in the name of all the
ministers, a very flattering address to Napoleon. At the restoration of
the Bourbons, Chaptal again retired into private life, and continued to
enjoy the society of a large circle of literary and scientific friends
till his death.

Upon the application of chemistry to the arts of life, Chaptal is
considered to have been the most distinguished writer of his time. His
works are, Conspectus Physiologicus de Fontibus differentiarum relat. ad
Scientias, 1777; Analytical Table of a Course of Chemistry delivered at
Montpellier, 1783; Elements of Chemistry; Treatise on Saltpetre and Tar;
a Table of the principal Earthy Salts and Substances; an Essay on
perfectioning the Chemical Art in France; a Theoretical and Practical
Treatise on the Cultivation of the Vine; the Art of making Wines, &c.;
the Art of Making, Managing, and Perfectioning Wines, a work which has
been productive of great improvement in the wines of many districts in
France; the Art of Dyeing Cotton Red; Chemistry applied to the Arts; the
Chemical Principles of the Arts of Dyeing and Scouring. M. Chaptal has
also furnished many excellent articles to the Annals of Chemistry, and
the Dictionary of Agriculture. Among his miscellaneous productions, a
paper on Geological Changes is entitled to special mention as one of the
most beautiful compositions of its class.

       *       *       *       *       *


GOETHE


[Illustration: GOETHE]

John Wolfgang von Goethe was born at Frankfort, August 28, 1749, and
died at Weimar, March 22, 1832, aged eighty-two years and seven months.
He was a sickly child, and consequently participated but little in
children’s pastimes. Youth--melancholy, or early habits of reflection,
and an independence on others for amusement or formation of opinions
were thus generated, which, operating on his exquisite organization,
contributed to make him the master-spirit of his age. Thus, in his
autobiography and diary, it is highly instructive to mark the effect of
the various circumstances in which he was placed, on his train of
thought. Events, which on most children’s minds “are only reflected as
on looking-glasses but make no impression,” produced an effect on him of
which the influence was never effaced. The coronation of Joseph II. at
Frankfort, the annual mass, and the noble old city itself, with its
associations of feudalism and German art, are portrayed by him seventy
years after the feelings they had excited, with all the vividness of
yesterday’s impressions. It is probable that no one ever possessed such
acute sensibility as Goethe. He could “hang a thought on every thorn.”

Goethe’s father was a man of easy circumstances, and of some literary
merit: he had a great love for the fine arts, and had made a small
collection of objects of virtù in his travels through Italy. All this
worked on the young poet, and at eight or nine years old he wrote a
short description of twelve pictures, portraying the history of Joseph.
At fifteen years of age he went to the university of Leipsic, where he
studied law; he took the degree of doctor at Strasbourg. In 1768 he left
Leipsic, and after a short tour settled for some time in Alsace, where
the beautiful Gretchen won his heart, and obtained for herself in Faust
and Egmont, a more lasting monument than brass. On leaving Alsace, he
returned home; but soon left it again to practise in the Imperial
Chamber at Wezlar. Here he witnessed the tragical event that gave rise
to his romance of the Sorrows of Werter. In 1775, he went to Weimar, on
an invitation from the Grand Duke, and remained there till the end of
his life, loaded with all the honours a German sovereign could bestow,
ennobled, a privy councillor, and for many years of his life prime
minister; “a treatment of genius hitherto unknown in the annals of
literature, or of Mecaenaship; and a splendid exception to the
indifference with which rulers generally regard intellectual
excellence.”

In 1786, Goethe travelled in Italy, from whence he went to Sicily, and
then returned to Rome, where he gave himself ardently up to the study of
antiquities. At the end of three years he returned to his own country,
and settled at Weimar, which was then called the Athens of Germany. Here
were at that time a number of celebrated men, at the head of whom were
Goethe, Wieland, and Schiller. In this congenial society, Goethe resided
till his death. A view of his house, with an account of an interview
with the poet, about five years since, by Dr. Granville, will be found
in _The Mirror_, vol. xviii. After the deaths of Wieland and Schiller,
the reputation of Goethe greatly increased. To form some idea of the
sort of worship that was paid to him in his own country, in his
lifetime, it is only necessary to read the chapter of Madame de Staël’s
_Germany_, dedicated to that subject. The admirers of Goethe formed a
sort of sect, a body amongst themselves, over whom, says Madame de
Staël, the influence of Goethe was really incomprehensible. Among the
honours paid to him by the illustrious men of Europe, must not be
forgotten the tribute of Napoleon. When the Congress of Erfurt was held,
Napoleon wished to see Goethe, with whom he conversed for some time, and
at the close of the conversation he gave the poet the decoration of the
Legion of Honour. In 1825, a splendid bronze medal was struck by order
of the Grand Duke, and presented to Goethe, to commemorate the fiftieth
year of the poet’s residence at his court.

As Goethe wrote every sort of poem, from the simple ballad to the epic,
and from a proverb to a tragedy, a mere list of his works would occupy
some columns. His first appearance in print was in the annuals and
literary journals. But his Gotz of the Iron Hand, published with his
name in 1773, and his Werther, in the year after, called at once the
attention of his country to the young master-mind. The influence of
these two works on the literature of Germany was electric. Hosts of
imitators sprung up among the fruitful fry of small authors, and
flourished until Goethe himself, by his wit, his irony, and his
eloquence, put an end to the sickly sentimentalism, which he had first
called into action. Gotz and Werther alone survive the creations of
which they formed the nucleii. Such a production as the first, indeed,
at the age of twenty-three, at once placed Goethe at the head of his
country’s literature, a place which he preserved undisputed to the hour
of his death.

We have referred to the multitudinous nature of the works of Goethe.
Their variety was proportionate to their number. It has been well
observed that “his mind never seems to have grown old, but to have
presented a new phasis at each stage of his existence.” Not satisfied by
taking his rank amongst the first poets of his time, his ardent genius
led him to study all the different branches of literature, physical
science, natural history, and the fine arts. He alike delighted in the
imaginative beauty of poetry, and the abstrusest problems in
science--the romantic and the real--the creative fancy and unwearied
research of a truly great mind. It is, however, a matter of regret that
Goethe was no politician. The character of his mind would not lead the
observer to expect this feature. “A chilling scepticism, as to the
progressive improvement of man, runs through all his writings, and, of
course, prevented all attempts to make human institutions more
productive of human happiness.” Nevertheless, it may be urged, that
social amelioration may be effected by other means than by direct
problems of political economy, unfashionable as the doctrine may sound.
Chateaubriand has eloquently written “there is nothing beautiful, sweet,
or grand in life, but in its mysteries.” Goethe probably entertained a
kindred sentiment. Thus, the calculator may reckon him “behind the age,”
or his favourite views of human improvement.

Goethe remained single till his fifty-eighth year, when he married his
housekeeper, by whom he had a family. His affection for his son, who
died about two years since, was unbounded. After his death, Goethe was
but the shadow of that which he once had been. To his daughter-in-law he
was indebted for that tenderness and assiduity which soothed his
declining years. When upwards of eighty years of age, he meditated
literary projects with the vigour and enthusiasm of youthful genius.
Indeed, his constitution was unimpaired, and seemed to promise some
years of life: his death therefore excited at Weimar, a feeling of
surprise as well as sorrow.

The last moments of Goethe were those of an unbroken mind--a bright
light waning and glimmering out. He had not the slightest presentiment
of his death. About a week before, he caught cold, which brought on a
catarrh. It was thought that his powerful constitution was unattacked.
He conversed with great serenity, particularly upon his theory of
colours, which so powerfully occupied his mind to the last moment of his
existence. On the evening of March 21, he explained to his daughter the
conditions of the peace of Basle; desired that the children should be
taken to the theatre; and said that he was much better; he requested
that Salvandy’s Sixteen Months might be handed to him, although his
physician had forbidden him all laborious occupation; but the doctor
having gone out for a few moments, he ordered lights to be brought, and
attempted to read. Not being able to do so, he held the book for some
moments before him, and then said, “Well, let us do at least as the
Mandarins do:” he fell asleep, and his slumbers appeared light and
refreshing. Next day he conversed cheerfully with his daughter, his
grandchildren, and some friends. “At seven o’clock he desired his
daughter to bring him a portfolio, to enable him to illustrate some
phenomena of colouring, and he began with his right hand to trace some
characters in the air. Towards ten o’clock he ceased almost entirely to
speak, held firmly between his own the hand of his daughter who was by
his side, and turned his eyes, already half-closed, towards her with an
expression of tenderness: with her other hand she supported his head on
a pillow until he breathed his last, without convulsion or
suffering.”[5] His daughter closed the fine eyes of the poet, and
summoning her children to behold their grandfather for the last time,
she rushed from the chamber of death, and gave vent to a flood of grief.
Another account states that Goethe growing weaker and weaker, his hand
dropped on his knee, where it still moved as if in the act of writing,
till the angel of death summoned him.

    [5] Monthly Magazine, July.

The remains of the poet, after lying in state in the hall of his mansion
for five hours, were deposited, on March 26, in the grand ducal family
vault at Weimar near to those of Schiller. On the same day, the theatre
which had been closed from respect to his memory, was opened with the
representation of his Tasso. An epilogue was composed for the occasion
by Chancellor Muller, the intimate friend of Goethe. Its last stanza
produced a profound impression upon the audience:--“The spot where great
men have exercised their genius remains for ever sacred. The waves of
time silently efface the hours of life; but not the great works which
they have seen produced. What the power of genius has created, is
rarified like the air of the Heavens,--its apparition is fugitive,--its
works are eternal.”

Goethe has left several MSS. for publication. Among them is a volume of
his early life in Weimar, a volume of poems, the second part of “Faust,”
interesting letters, &c.

       *       *       *       *       *




NOTES OF A READER.


       *       *       *       *       *


BEAR-HUNTING IN CANADA.

(_From a Backwoodsman’s Sketches._[6])

    [6] Published by Murray, Albemarle Street. (_To a Correspondent,
    J.F., Lambeth Terrace._)


When a bear runs away with one of your pigs, there is no use in going
after him, hallooing, without a gun. You may scare him away from the
mutilated carcass, but it will make but indifferent pork; since not
being bred in Leadenhall or Whitechapel, he has but a slovenly way of
slaughtering. But trace to where he has dragged it, and near sunset let
self and friend hide themselves within easy distance, and he will be
certain to come for his supper, which, like all sensible animals, he
prefers to every other meal. Nay, it is highly probable, if he possesses
the gallantry which a well-bred bear ought to have, he will bring Mrs.
Bruin and all the children along with him, and you can transact business
with the whole family at once. In hunting the bear, take all the curs in
the village along with you. Game dogs are useless for this purpose; for,
unless properly trained, they fly at the throat, and get torn to pieces
or hugged to death for their pains. The curs yelp after him, bite his
rump, and make him tree, where he can be shot. The bear of Canada is
seldom dangerous. He is always ready to enter into a treaty, similar to
what my Lord Brougham negotiated lately with Lord Londonderry, viz.
let-be for let-be--but if wounded, he is dangerous in the extreme. You
should always, therefore, hunt him in couples, and have a shot in
reserve, or a goodly cudgel, ready to apply to the root of his nose,
where he is as vulnerable as Achilles was in the heel. Some ludicrous
stories are told of bear-hunting; for Bruin is rather a humorist in his
way. A friend of mine, with his surveying party, ten men in all, once
treed a very large one; they immediately cut clubs, and set to work to
fell the tree. Bruin seemed inclined to maintain his position, till the
tree began to lean, when he slid down to about fifteen feet from the
ground, and then clasped his fore-paws over his head and let himself
tumble amongst them. Every club was raised, but Bruin was on the alert;
he made a charge, upset the man immediately in front, and escaped with
two or three thumps on the rump, which he valued not one pin. When once
they have killed a pig, if you do not manage to kill the bear, you will
never keep one hog; for they will come back till they have taken the
last of them;--they will even invade the sacred precincts of the
hog-sty. An Irishman in the Newcastle district once caught a bear
_flagrante delicto_, dragging a hog over the walls of the pew. Pat,
instead of assailing the bear, thought only of securing his property; so
he jumped into the sty, and seized the pig by the tail. Bruin having
hold of the ears, they had a dead pull for possession, till the
whillilooing of Pat, joined to the plaintive notes of his _protegé_,
brought a neighbour to his assistance, who decided the contest in Pat’s
favour by knocking the assailant on the head.--A worthy friend of mine,
of the legal profession, and now high in office in the colony, once,
when a young man, lost his way in the woods, and seeing a high stump,
clambered up it with the hope of looking around him. While standing on
the top of it for this purpose, his foot slipped, and he was
precipitated into the hollow of the tree, beyond the power of
extricating himself. Whilst bemoaning here his hard fate, and seeing no
prospect before him, save that of a lingering death by starvation, the
light above his head was suddenly excluded, and his view of the sky, his
only prospect, shut out by the intervention of a dense medium, and by
and by he felt the hairy posteriors of a bear descend upon him. With the
courage of despair he seized fast hold of Bruin behind, and by this
means was dragged once more into upper day. Nothing, surely, but the
instinct of consanguinity could have induced Bruin thus to extricate his
distressed brother.

       *       *       *       *       *


THE CHOLERA IN INDIA.


Captain Skinner, in one of his Excursions, says arriving at the village
of Lugrassa, I thought there was an appearance of desolation about it. I
saw no people within the village, and observed merely a few stragglers
about the fields. Four or five men had died during the last week, and
some before: such mortality would depopulate a mountain city in a month.
Nothing can be more melancholy than a pestilence among these fragments
of humanity: cut off from their fellow-mountaineers by high ridges,
these isolated little communities are left to perish unknown and
unmourned.

I have learned from some natives, who have lately been at Badri Nath,
that that neighbourhood also has been ravaged by the cholera morbus.
They cannot check the disease: it seizes them in all situations--in
their houses--in the fields; and in a very few hours they are its
victims. As the most hardy fall first, the infants, deprived of their
protectors, should they escape the infection, must die of starvation.
The cattle are abandoned, the crops neglected, and every traveller shuns
the “city of the plague:” and even that precaution is no security.
Pilgrims die in agony on the road: to enter one of these little vales is
indeed to enter “the valley of the shadow of death.”--The inhabitants
resign themselves to their destiny: the same fate would await them in a
neighbouring village, perhaps, should they seek refuge there. They cling
to their homes to the last gasp; and the survivor of a once happy
people, where all were gay but a few days before, has to steal to his
grave unnoticed, or roam elsewhere for human intercourse. Could the
vision of “the Last Man” be ever realized, it would be in the highest
habitations of the Himalaya mountains; for there many a little world is
left for its last man to mourn over!

       *       *       *       *       *




NEW BOOKS


       *       *       *       *       *


CHARLEMAGNE.


[The appearance of a _Life of Charlemagne_ in these days of cobweb
literature may probably be regarded as a phenomenon by booksellers.
Whatever their feelings may be upon the matter, we are inclined to
regard it as a valuable contribution to our substantial literature. The
author, Mr. G.P.R. James has hitherto produced no work that can at all
compete with the present in our esteem. He has shown his aptitude for
research in three or four semi-historical novels, which will be
forgotten, while his _Life of Charlemagne_ will be allowed place with
our standard historians. He has wisely left the novel to the titled
folks of the Burlington-street press, and betaken himself to better
studies, that will not only gain him a name, but maintain him a proud
distinction, in the literature of his country. We trust the public--for,
in these days, every man is a Mecaenas--will reward his industry and
talent, and thus encourage him to proceed in his design--to illustrate
the History of France by the Lives of her Great Men; each volume, though
forming a distinct work, being connected with that which preceded it, by
a view of the intervening period. The portion before us has our most
cordial approbation and recommendation.

Of Charlemagne, the greatest man of the middle ages, no accurate life
had ever been written. Mr. James tells us that, in his work, he believes
he has corrected some of the errors to be found in former statements,
and has added a few facts to the information which the world before
possessed upon the subject. The Life is preceded by an Historical
Introduction, from A.D. 476, to A.D. 749, recounting the state of Gaul
from a little previous to the final overthrow of the Roman Empire, to
the birth of Charlemagne.

The precise birthplace of Charlemagne is unknown;[7] neither have any
records come down to us of his education, nor any particulars of those
early years which are generally ornamented by the imagination of after
biographers, even when the subject of their writing has left his infancy
in obscurity. The year of his birth, however, seems to have been A.D.
742, about seven years before his father, Pepin, the Brief, assumed the
name of king. The first act of Charlemagne--a task which combined both
dignity and beneficence--was to meet, as deputy for his father, the
chief of the Roman Church, and to conduct him with honour to his
father’s presence. Charlemagne was then scarcely twelve years of age.
This is the first occasion on which we find the great man mentioned in
history; “but,” observes Mr. James, “the children of the Francs were
trained in their very early years to robust and warlike exercises; and
there is every reason to believe that great precocity, both of bodily
and mental powers, fitted the prince for the office which was intrusted
to him by his father.”

    [7] The Monk of St. Gall implies that Aix la Chapelle was the
    birthplace of Charlemagne. Lib. i. c. 30.

Our admiration of the style in which Mr. James has executed his task
almost tempts us to travel with the reader, page by page, through the
volume. Our time will not allow this task; though we must be less chary
of praise than of our space. The great events are told with elegant
simplicity; the language is neither overloaded with ornament, nor made
to abound with well-rounded terms, at the sacrifice of perspicuity and
truth; but there is throughout the work an air of impartiality and
patient investigation which should uniformly characterize historical
narrative. We make a few selections from various parts of the volume
towards what may be termed a personal portrait of the illustrious
emperor:]

Above[8] the ordinary height of man, Charlemagne was a giant in his
stature as in his mind; but the graceful and easy proportion of all his
limbs spoke the combination of wonderful activity with immense strength,
and pleased while it astonished. His countenance was as striking as his
figure; and his broad, high forehead, his keen and flashing eye, and
bland, unwrinkled brow, offered a bright picture, wherein the spirit of
physiognomy, natural to all men, might trace the expression of a
powerful intellect and a benevolent heart.

    [8] Eginhard, in Vit. Car. Mag. cap. xxii. Marquhard Freher, de
    Statura, Car. Mag. The dissertation of Marquhard Freher on the
    height of Charlemagne, (and on the question whether he wore a
    beard or not,) does not satisfy me as to his precise stature.
    Eginhard declares that he was in height seven times the length
    of his own foot, which we have every reason to believe was not
    very small, at least if he bore any resemblance to his mother,
    who was known by the name of “Bertha with the long foot.”

Gifted with a frame, the corporeal energies of which required little or
no relaxation, and which, consequently, never clogged and hampered his
intellect by fatigue, Charlemagne could devote an immense portion of his
time to business, and, without taking more than a very small portion of
sleep, could dedicate the clear thoughts of an untired mind to the
regulation of his kingdom, even while other men were buried in repose.
He was accustomed, we are told, to wake spontaneously, and rise from his
bed four or five times in the course of each night; and so great was his
economy of moments, that the brief space he employed in putting on the
simple garments with which he was usually clothed, was also occupied in
hearing the reports of his Count of the Palace, or the pleadings of
various causes, which he decided at those times with as much clear
wisdom as if listening to them on the judgment seat.

Some lighter exercise of the mind was nevertheless necessary even to
him; but this was principally taken during his repasts, when he caused
various works to be read to him, which did not require the severe
attention that he was obliged to bestow on judicial investigations. The
subject of these readings was, in general, the history of past times,
and works, upon theology, amongst which the writings of St. Augustin are
said to have afforded him the greatest pleasure.

By the constant employment of moments which would otherwise have been
wasted to the intellect, an extraordinary mass of business was easily
swept away; and, at the end of the very year in which he returned from
Italy, a number of acts, diplomas, charters, letters, judgments, and
affairs of all kinds, can be traced to Charlemagne himself, the despatch
of which, together with all those that must have escaped research, would
be utterly inconceivable, were we ignorant of what were the habits of
that great and singular man.

The war dress of Charlemagne himself was wholly composed of steel,
consisting of the casque, breast, and back plates, together with
greaves, gauntlets, and cuissards, formed likewise of iron plates. Nor
were inferior warriors less cumbrously defended; for though the arms of
the earlier Francs were light, in comparison with this heavy panoply,
yet we find that, in the days of Charlemagne, each man in the army,
whose means permitted it, was protected by a suit of armour similar to
that of the monarch.

[Mr. James’s summary of the character of Charlemagne is a delightful
piece of writing:]

The character of Charlemagne can alone be appreciated by comparing it
with the barbarism of the times from which he emerged; nor do his
virtues or his talents acquire any fictitious grandeur from opposition
with objects around; for, though “the ruins of Palmyra derive a casual
splendour from the nakedness of the surrounding desert,”[9] his
excellence lay not alone in adorning, but in cultivating the waste. His
military successes were prepared by the wars and victories both of Pepin
and Charles Martel; but one proof of the vast comprehensiveness of his
mind, is to be found in the immense undertakings which he accomplished
with the same means which two great monarchs had employed on very
inferior enterprises. The dazzling rapidity with which each individual
expedition was executed, was perhaps less wonderful, than the clear
precision with which each was designed, and the continuous, persevering,
unconquerable determination wherewith each general plan was pursued to
its close. The materials for his wars,--the brave, the active, and the
hardy soldiers,--had been formed by his father and by nature; but when
those troops were to be led through desert and unknown countries, into
which Pepin had never dreamed of penetrating, and in an age when
geography was hardly known--when they were to be supplied at a distance
from all their resources, in a land where roads were unheard of, and
provisions too scanty for the inhabitants themselves--the success was
attributable to Charlemagne, and the honour is his due. His predecessors
had contented themselves with leading an army at once against the point
they intended to assail, or against the host they proposed to combat;
but Charlemagne was the first in modern Europe who introduced the great
improvement in the art of war, of pouring large bodies of men, by
different roads, into the hostile country; of teaching them to
co-operate, though separate, to concentrate when required; and of
combining their efforts and their movements for a general purpose on a
preconcerted plan.

    [9] Gibbon makes this observation in depreciation of the
    character of Charlemagne, forgetting or concealing that the
    great beauty of the French monarch’s character appeared not from
    a contrast with surrounding barbarism, but from his efforts to
    do away that barbarism itself.

His great success in civilization was all his own. Nothing had been done
by those who went before--scarcely a germ--scarcely a seed had been left
him. He took possession of a kingdom torn by factions, surrounded by
enemies, desolated by long wars, disorganized by intestine strife, and
as profoundly ignorant as the absence of all letters could make it. By
the continual and indefatigable exertion of mental and corporeal powers,
such as probably were never united but in himself, he restored order and
harmony, brought back internal tranquillity, secured individual safety,
raised up sciences and arts; and so convinced a barbarous nation of the
excellence of his own ameliorating spirit, that on their consent and
approbation he founded all his efforts, and sought no support in his
mighty undertaking, but the love and confidence of his people.

He was ambitious, it is true; but his ambition was of the noblest kind.
He was generous, magnanimous, liberal, humane, and brave; but he was
frugal, simple, moderate, just, and prudent. Though easily appeased in
his enmities, his friendships were deep and permanent; and, though hasty
and severe to avenge his friends, he was merciful and placable, when
personally injured.

In mind, he was blessed with all those happy facilities, which were
necessary to success in the great enterprizes which he undertook. His
eloquence[10] was strong, abundant, and clear; and a great talent for
acquiring foreign tongues added to his powers of expression. The same
quickness of comprehension rendered every other study light, though
undertaken in the midst of a thousand varied occupations, and at an age
to which great capabilities of acquisition are not in general extended.

    [10] He is described by Eginhard as “apice capitis rotundo,”
    which roundness or fullness of the top of the head must have
    been very peculiar to have deserved such especial mention.

His person was handsome and striking. His countenance was fine, open,
and bland, his features high, and his eyes large and sparkling. His
figure was remarkable for its fine proportions; and though somewhat
inclined to obesity in his latter years, we are told that, whether
sitting or standing, there was always something in his appearance which
breathed of dignity, and inspired respect.

He was sober and abstemious in his food, and simple to an extreme in his
garments. Passionately fond of robust exercises, they formed his great
relaxation and amusement; but he never neglected the business of the
public for his private pleasure, nor yielded one moment to repose or
enjoyment which could be more profitably employed. His activity, his
quickness, and his indefatigable energy in conducting the affairs of
state, having already been spoken of at large, it only remains to be
said, that in private life he was gentle, cheerful, affectionate, and
kind; and that--with his dignity guarded by virtues, talents, and mighty
renown--he frequently laid aside the pomp of empire, and the sternness
of command.

No man, perhaps, that ever lived, combined in so high a degree those
qualities which rule men and direct events, with those which endear the
possessor and attach his contemporaries. No man was ever more trusted
and loved by his people, more respected and feared by other kings, more
esteemed in his lifetime, or more regretted at his death.

[The illustrations to this volume, though few, are of the highest
character. The frontispiece portrait has been procured by a friend, for
Mr. James, from the original illumination in the monastery of Saint
Calisto, in Rome. We recommend it to the manufacturers of school books,
wherein, if our memory serve us, the great man of the middle ages is
very inaccurately represented; though we could write a few pages upon
the foolish errors, which, for want of a little care, are perpetuated in
“books for the instruction of youth.”]

       *       *       *       *       *




SPIRIT OF DISCOVERY


       *       *       *       *       *


THE CASHMERE SHAWL GOAT


Has been successfully introduced into England by C.T. Tower, Esq., of
Weald Hall, Essex; and as that gentleman, by this time, must have some
of his flock to dispose off, we think their introduction among
cottagers, for their wool and also for their milk, a fair subject for
some of our female readers to speculate on. This variety of the common
goat (or, probably, it may be a distinct species) is a fine-looking
animal, and would be very ornamental in a park, on a ruin, on the side
of a rock, or in a churchyard. It would also be very pleasant to have a
home-made Cashmere shawl. We shall, therefore, give all the information
we can on the subject, from Mr. Tower’s account, as published in the
last volume (xlvi.) of the _Transactions of the Society of Arts_. The
Cashmere goat was brought from Persia to France during the time of
Napoleon, and under his patronage, by the celebrated M. Terneaux. In
1823, Mr. Tower, happening at that time to be in Paris, purchased four
of them, two males and two females, and succeeded in conveying them
safely to his residence in Essex. The soil of the park at Weald Hall,
where they have been kept ever since, is moist, and the situation is
much exposed. The animals have, nevertheless, continued in health, and
multiplied rapidly; so that his present flock consists of twenty-seven,
including the four original ones. Of these latter, a polled female,
which was old when purchased by him has every year produced at least one
kid, and has twice had twins. Those individuals of which the horns cross
are in Persia esteemed the best; and one of Mr. Tower’s last year’s kids
has this peculiarity. They show no impatience of cold, and are very
healthy; requiring only the occasional shelter of a shed in very rough
weather. In spring, summer, and autumn, they graze like sheep; and,
during winter, have been fed with hay, and refuse vegetables from the
garden; but their favourite food is gorse (U’lex europae’a), which they
devour eagerly, without being annoyed by its prickles. They damage young
plantations, but not more than other goats or deer will do. They breed
very early: three of Mr. Tower’s goats this year produced kids before
they were themselves a twelvemonth old. A few produce brown wool; but
that of far the greater proportion of the goats is white, and this
latter is more valuable than the other. The coat is a mixture of long,
coarse hair and of short fine wool: this latter begins to be loose early
in April; and is collected, easily and expeditiously, by combing the
animals two or three times with such a comb as is used for horses’
manes. A good deal of the long hair comes off at the same time, but the
manufacturer has found no difficulty in separating it. The produce of a
male is about 4 oz., and of a female 2 oz.: 2 lbs. of wool, as it comes
off the goat’s back, may be estimated to make one shawl 54 in. square.
It will, therefore, require ten goats, male and female, to furnish
materials for one shawl. Mr. Tower has this year had three shawls made
of his wool, one of which was examined by the committee of
manufacturers, The yarn was spun by Messrs. Pease of Darlington and was
woven by Messrs. Miller and Sons of Paisley. Mr. Tower’s shawl was
compared with one made in Scotland, of French shawl-goat wool, to which
it was evidently far superior. It was also compared with a shawl of M.
Terneaux’s own make; and was considered by very competent judges to be
superior to this also. (_Trans. Soc. Arts._)

Mr. Tower’s goats were visited by Mr. Riley this present summer, and he
declares them to be the most interesting specimens of the pure breed he
has ever seen. The flock, consisting, in 1823, of two bucks and two
does, now (1832) consists of 51 animals. Mr. Riley found them “grazing
promiscuously with other stock in the park, and appearing extremely
docile. The climate of England renders it necessary that, at night, they
should be protected in sheds; and, in winter, fed with hay,” &c. “The
down was at this time taking from them by a girl, with a common
horse-comb; and, on comparing it with some specimens I had procured in
France, received through Russia, I found not the slightest degeneration:
but, on the contrary, from its very clean state, and the small
proportion of hair, I should say, it would realize in Paris a much
higher price than any I had seen. Mr. Tower has had some shawls made
from the produce of his flock, one of which he presented to his late
Majesty. It was greatly admired, and considered to rival those of
Cachemire. Mr. Tower states that his flock produces an average of 2 1/3
oz. of down annually from each animal.”--_Gardeners’ Magazine._

       *       *       *       *       *




THE GATHERER.


       *       *       *       *       *

_Lines on finding a withered Primrose just before the opening of
spring._

  The primrose has gone ere the Summer’s bright beam
  Had enlivened the glade, or illumin’d the stream;
  It died ere a bud of the forest was seen,
  Or Spring had appeared in her tresses of green.

  It bloom’d in simplicity’s meekest of form,
  The spoil of the winds and the gust of the storm;
  Like the offspring of want on a pitiless shore,
  No hand to upraise it--no heart to deplore!

  It knew not the fostering smiles of a friend,
  Or the dew-drops of pity on sorrow that ’tend;
  In its solitude drooping, like one in despair,
  It shrunk ’neath the blast of the wintry air.

  In the wildness of nature unnoticed it grew,
  No solace or warmth from companions it drew;
  Forsaken--unpitied--unwept for--unknown,
  Like a child of the desert, it perished alone.

_Robespierre._--Mademoiselle Gabarcos, the daughter of a Spanish banker,
and one of the finest women of her time, married Talien, to save the
life of her father. At the epoch of the 8th Fructidor, some deputies who
had been placed on the proscription list by Robespierre, wished to delay
the attack upon him in the Convention. Madame Talien, who had brought
them together in her house, finding that they hesitated, addressed them
in the following terms:--“Cowards, since you will not deliver France of
this monster, you shall not live to see the destruction of your country,
for I will immediately send him your names.” This bold declaration
electrified them. Next day Robespierre ceased to exist.

W.G.C.

_Who are “the uneducated?”_--What is meant by _uneducated_, in a time
when books have come into the world; come to be household furniture in
every habitation of the civilized world. In the poorest cottage are
books; is one book, wherein for several thousands of years the spirit of
man has found light, and nourishment, and an interpreting response to
whatever is deepest in him; wherein still, to this day, for the eye that
will look well, the Mystery of Existence reflects itself, if not
resolved, yet revealed, and prophetically emblemed; if not to the
satisfying of the outward sense, yet to the opening of the inward sense,
which is the far grander result. “In books lie the creative Phoenix’
ashes of the whole Past.” All that men have devised, discovered, done,
felt, or imagined, lies recorded in books; wherein whoso has learned the
mystery of spelling printed letters, may find it, and appropriate
it.--_Edinburgh Review._

A veteran dramatist now alive, distinguished for the oddness of his
humour, being required to state his grounds of exemption from serving in
the militia, actually wrote on the official paper, “Old, lame, and a
coward!”

T. GILL.

_Cogent Reasons._--Dr. Arbuthnot first began his practice at Dorchester,
a situation where the air is salubrious, and the environs beautiful; but
he staid no length of time there. A neighbour met him galloping to
London, and asked him why he went thither? “To leave your confounded
place, where I can neither live nor die.”

T. GILL.

_The Foot._--Man is the only animal, in which the whole surface of the
foot rests on the ground; and this circumstance arises from the erect
stature which belongs exclusively to him.

_The Brain._--The cavity containing the brain of a crocodile measuring
thirteen or fourteen feet, will hardly admit the thumb; and the brain of
the chamelion is not, according to the description of the Paris
dissectors, larger than a pea.

_The Tongue_ does not appear to be an indispensable organ of taste.
Blumenbach saw an adult, and, in other respects, a well-formed man, who
was born without a tongue. He could distinguish, nevertheless, very
easily the tastes of solutions of salt, sugar, and aloes, rubbed on his
palate, and would express the taste of each in writing.

_Vulgar Error._--In Mr. Crabb’s Dictionary of General Knowledge,
article, _Pelican_, we find it stated that the bird “has a peculiar
tenderness for its young, and has been supposed to draw blood from its
breast for their support.” We thought this error had long since been
expunged from natural history, and lament to find it credulously quoted
in a book of the year 1830.

_Eyes._--Large animals have small eye-balls in proportion to their size:
this is very remarkably the case with the whales, as might be seen in
the skeleton of the gigantic whale lately exhibited in London. Those
animals which are much under ground have the globe of the eye also very
small, as the mole and shrew: in the former of these instances its
existence was long altogether denied, and it is not, in fact, larger
than a pin’s head.

_Teeth._--The numerous teeth of crocodiles have this peculiarity of
structure, that in order to facilitate their change, there are always
two, (or sometimes three,) of which one is contained within the other.

_Bills of Birds._--Of all bills the most extraordinary is that of the
cross-bill, in which the two mandibles cross each other at a
considerable angle, for this formation seems to be directly opposed to
the natural purposes of a bill. The bird, however, contrives to pick out
the seeds from the cones of the fir, and it is limited to that species
of nourishment.

_Barbel._--Captain Heaviside, of Egham Hythe, while fishing for Roach
with No. 10 hook, in the deeps at Staines Bridge, a few days ago, hooked
and landed a barbel; after playing him for one hour and three quarters,
during which time he could not get a sight of him. The weight of this
fine fish was exactly 11 lbs. 2 ozs.; he measured 2 feet 10 inches in
length, and 1 foot 4 inches in girth.

C.H.

_Impromptu on seeing the Monuments in St. Paul’s Cathedral covered with
scrawled names._

  Oh! for a curse upon his head
  Who dares insult the noble dead,
  And basely scrawl his worthless name
  Upon the records of their fame!
  Nelson, arise! thy country gave
  A heartfelt tear, a hallow’d grave:
  Her eyes are dry, her recreant sons
  Dare to profane thy mould’ring bones!
  And you, ye heroes of the past,
  Who serv’d your country to the last,
  And bought her freedom with your blood,
  Cornwallis, Duncan, Collingwood!
  Rise, if ye can, and mark the wretch
  Who dares his impious arm to stretch
  And scrawl upon the graves of those
  Who gave him freedom and repose!
  And can no rev’rence for the dead
  Ye heartless crew, no sense of dread
  To place your names on aught so high
  As e’en the tombs where heroes lie,
  Force you with horror to recede
  From such a sacrilegious deed?
  Go, spread it to the winds of heaven,
  That they, who to our isle have giv’n
  Their blood, their services, their breath,
  Sleep in dishonoured graves in Death.

REX.

_Eccentric Physician._--When Bailly, (physician to Henry IV. of France,)
perceived he was about to die, he called his servants to him singly, and
gave to each of them a portion, first of his money, then of his plate
and furniture, bidding them, as soon as they had taken what he had given
them, to leave the house, and see him no more. When the physicians came
to visit him, they told him they had found his door open, the servants
and the furniture removed and gone, nothing in fact remaining, but the
bed on which he lay. Then the doctor, taking leave of his physicians,
said, “Since my baggage is packed up and gone, it is time that I should
also go.” He died the same day, November 5th, 1605.

P.T.W.

       *       *       *       *       *

_Printed and published by J. LIMBIRD, 143, Strand, (near Somerset
House,) London; sold by ERNEST FLEISCHER, 626, New Market, Leipsic; G.G.
BENNIS, 55, Rue Neuve, St. Augustin, Paris; and by all Newsmen and
Booksellers._



*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MIRROR OF LITERATURE, AMUSEMENT, AND INSTRUCTION. VOLUME 20, NO. 561, AUGUST 11, 1832 ***


    

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will
be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
States without permission and without paying copyright
royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™
concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following
the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use
of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for
copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very
easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation
of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project
Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may
do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected
by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark
license, especially commercial redistribution.


START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free
distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at
www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™
electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™
electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your
possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person
or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be
used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this
agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™
electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the
Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual
works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting
free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™
works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily
comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when
you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no
representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear
prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work
on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the
phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed,
performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

    This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
    other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
    whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
    of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
    at www.gutenberg.org. If you
    are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws
    of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
  
1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is
derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project
Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™
trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted
with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works
posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™
License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format
other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official
version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website
(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain
Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the
full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works
unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works
provided that:

    • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
        the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method
        you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
        to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has
        agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
        within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
        legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
        payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
        Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
        Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
        Literary Archive Foundation.”
    
    • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
        you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
        does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™
        License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
        copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
        all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™
        works.
    
    • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
        any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
        electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
        receipt of the work.
    
    • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
        distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.
    

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than
are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of
the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set
forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right
of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO
OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in
accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™
electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or
additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any
Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of
electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s
goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will
remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future
generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit
501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification
number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West,
Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up
to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website
and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread
public support and donations to carry out its mission of
increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest
array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state
visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation
methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be
freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of
volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed
editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search
facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™,
including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.